At the moment of Fidel Castro's triumphant entry into Havana, Cuba on January 9, 1959, the charismatic revolutionary leader was a relatively unknown quantity. Many are surprised to discover that Castro at first enjoyed much popular support in this country. Early reports on the rebel leader featured positive, if sometimes guarded, reactions. Even Ed Sullivan, America’s premier show man, got caught up in the excitement. He journeyed to Cuba himself to interview the victorious rebel leader shortly after the latter’s entry into Havana. He was but one of myriad journalists who descended on Cuba to cover the exciting changes in the island.
In this series, Victor Gamma returns and considers how the US misjudged Fidel Castro. Here, we look at Castro’s visit to the US in 1959 and how Castro had consolidated his anti-American rule by 1960.
If you missed it, read part 1 on Cuba before the revolution here, and part 2 on when Fidel took power here.
Fidel Castro in Washington, D.C. in 1959.
In the provisional government set up by the revolutionaries, calm heads appeared to prevail. Castro also promised elections in eighteen months. The cabinet included José Miró Cardona as prime minister. This distinguished lawyer had fought with Castro for years. Once installed as prime minister on January 6, 1959, he began working to move Cuba towards a constitutional democracy. But in a move reminiscent of dictators, Castro ended up with Cardona’s job less than two months later when Cardona resigned. "I cannot run my office while another man is trying to run it from behind a microphone," Cardona complained. Ultimately, the environment in Cuba became so toxic for anyone daring to express opposition to Castro’s policies that Cardona fled Cuba. On March 3 the Castro government began a policy of nationalization and expropriation.
By the time of Castro’s visit to the United States that April, Castro’s anti-American rhetoric, his publicly stated intentions to nationalize the Cuban economy, including foreign property and his association with extreme leftists such as Che Guevara continued to sound alarm bells. The Eisenhower administration, in fact, came close to canceling Castro’s first visit. This option was discussed at a meeting of the National Security Council at Washington on March 26, 1959, just prior to Castro’s arrival in the US. On the one hand, ugly signs of an imminent dictatorship were noted. Castro’s tendency to fall back on public tirades to galvanize support, rather than taking sound administrative steps. The opinion of the CIA was that Cuba’s new leader was “moving toward outright dictatorship.” Additionally, communists were now playing an ever greater role in the new Cuba. Further dire warnings were delivered by eyewitnesses. Castro took such actions as jailing old comrades who resigned in opposition to the growing influence of communists in the revolutionary Cuban government. The day before the meeting a telegram arrived from Gonzalo Facio, the former Costa Rican Ambassador to the US. Facio had gone with José Figueres, former president of that republic, to Havana in March. He related that in Figueres’ view Castro’s policies were characterized by “extreme, unreasoning nationalism including anti-Americanism and communism.” At the NSC meeting various options were discussed: including a refusal to allow Castro entry into the country or goading the OAS into action against him. It was decided, however, that the negative impact of these measures would outweigh the benefits.
Washington
Controversy continued to swirl about the charismatic revolutionary upon his arrival at National Airport in Washington on April 15, 1959. Senator Smathers of Florida accused Castro of supporting violent revolutionary movements. Raphael Del Pino, a one-time supporter of Castro, now hurled accusations of dictatorship and sought to alert Americans to the danger of a “Communist-controlled beach head within 90 miles of the United States mainland.” Many Americans worried about the executions going on in Cuba, Castro’s ambitions and rumors that he intended to nationalize and confiscate American investments and holdings in Cuba., Richard Roy Rubottom, Jr. called him a “dangerous nationalist” and expressed "grave doubts concerning the character and motivation" of their celebrated visitor. Reports of on-going executions and Castor’s refusal to hold elections began to generate criticism and finally drove some. Democratic media such as The Atlantic and the New Republic to join the chorus questioning the genuineness of Castro’s assertions that he was a democrat.
None of this seemed to dampen the excitement of his whirlwind tour, though. Castro was feted everywhere and given free reign to make his case. To many, it looked like we had made a friend; he placed a wreath at George Washington’s tomb and the Tomb of the Unknown soldier. He sampled such staples of Americana as hot dogs and hamburgers at Yankee Stadium. Fidel publicly projected an image of moderation. He said nothing in support of the Soviet Union and repeatedly denied that his movement was even affiliated with communists. He even declared publicly, “We are against all kinds of dictators . . . That is why we are against communism.” A highlight of Castro’s visit was a one-on-one session with Vice President Nixon. He met with Castro privately and concluded that Castro was “either incredibly naive about communism or under communist discipline — my guess is the former.” Unfortunately, these sentiments were not a matter of public record and, upon Castro’s return to Cuba, American policy was still miserably uncertain. This uncertainty would not last for long.
Back in Cuba
The actions of Castro himself in the next few months began to dissolve any remaining doubts about the dynamic Cuban leader and the worst fears of U.S. officials began to be realized. If not a communist by name, he imitated one very well. He continued to show no sympathy for the middle class, a steady stream of which headed to Miami rather than live in Cuba. Middle class disenchantment stemmed from many causes: a crackdown on religion, including confiscation of church property and the jailing of clerics and the banning of various religious expressions. On May 17, the First Law of Agrarian Reform began the process of land expropriation. In July the communist lawyer Osvaldo Dorticós replaced Manuel Urrutia as president. By that Fall, it had become dangerous to question the regime. For example, Huber Matos, who had fought alongside Castro. opposed the drift of the regime towards marxism. For this he found himself jailed for 20 years.
By the end of that year, Castro's cabinet had been purged of moderates. These had been replaced with communists or communist sympathizers. In addition, moderate critics found themselves in prison. Cuba began openly courting the Soviet Union. US policy gradually hardened in opposition, but it was not until March 1960 that US policy called for outright removal of Castro. By then, his power was probably too firm to be uprooted without an all-out invasion.
What do you think about Fidel Castro’s trip to the US in 1959? Let us know below.
Now read Victor’s series on whether Wernher von Braun was a dangerous Nazi or hero of the space race here.
