When strolling through hot sandy Malta, strange are the sights that might startle a tourist, especially those of us with an interest in Anglo-Irish history. Among the sacred sites of domes and steeples there’s an occasional red object that resembles and shares the shape of icons back home in the damp cool British Isles.

Here, John O’Dowd looks at history in Ireland and Malta.

WB Yeats by George Charles Beresford. Source: Public domain, National Portrait Gallery, available here.

Yes, Malta is a warm dry dusty paradise; a pearl in the Mediterranean. It’s so far south that it almost touches Africa. On the contrary, for an example, Ireland is an emerald on an opposite edge of Europe, shivering and glittering with wet jagged cliffs reaching towards America. Even in summer, it’s bashed by the cold Atlantic and stung with a razor-sharp wind. The only image nature shares with both outposts is the sky and endless sea, albeit, one island is surrounded with deep growling colours and the other illuminated with sunnier shades.

So, to find a common denominator, some might note that both islands were graced with Ireland’s Nobel-winning poet, WB Yeats. Known for rebellious theatre and love letters, it’s rumoured that he meandered through Malta’s capital, Valetta. However, Yeats wasn’t fit for much walking and was on the resort to see a doctor. It’s understood that he was suffering from Malta Fever, and didn’t do much writing either. However, a first edition of his work was prized and lovingly kept at a local library. To this day, his poetry is read, studied and celebrated in Malta but no, Yeats poetry or any other Irish writing is not what jumps out immediately at Irish tourists as they ramble through sun-drenched streets. Rather, it’s something much more objectively physical and British that stirs an interest in visitors. It’s a chunk of metal, a bit of a bulk that’s cemented into the ground.

As bold as the burning sun, blatantly Britannic icons are the attraction: a British post-box and phone kiosk! These relics of empire stand to attention on Mediterranean squares and street corners. They’re blazingly stark naked in bright royal red polished paint beside palm trees. These metal icons are moulded with a monarch’s mark and standing tall with an imperialist stance. For any historian rambling through Malta, squinting at majestic buildings and dazed by illuminated limestone, the abrupt spasms of royal red metallic street furniture are a feast for the eye.

Visitors are often in awe with these colonial relics of ingenuity, marvelling at how polished they are; such a shine to put councils back home to shame. A child might think of Postman Pat with his black and white cat; children throughout Malta and the world are familiar with the cartoon characters serving the Royal Mail.

Irish streets also inherited such iconic furniture but the sculptured structures were painted green or matching shades of cream long ago. Both Malta and the Emerald Isle are adorned with these metallic monuments to a British monarch, as are numerous other ex-colonies and crown territories throughout the world. Gibraltar is another Mediterranean example but remnants of the late-empire’s infrastructure don’t stop there. A red phone-box buried in jungle has startled many travellers in Africa. Treading through growth in Sierra Leone, a hiker could come upon a British phone-box in need of a coat of paint. It’s indeed red, though blistered by sun but standing tall against towering greenery that threatens to devour it. Neglected and long out of order but, like the metal monuments in Malta, and Postman Pat, it’s loved. It seems that the whole empire, or its remnants, is littered with icons from yesteryear: post-box, kiosk, clock tower, a road sign, bus stop, bus shelter with Victorian wrought-iron railings, together with lengths of railway sunk beneath a jungle floor, not to forget the odd statue of Queen Victoria.

Ireland is an oddity because the street furniture is painted green or a matching shade of cream. Sometimes, a heavy repetitive coat of the thick moss colour was pasted onto a post-box. The new colouring for postal and telegraphy infrastructure erupted with Irish independence. In 1922, the Free State set about installing street names in the Irish language, and rechristening train stations to honour revolutionary leaders. However, nothing was more vibrantly stark and as immediate as painting metalwork on a street. The change of sovereignty was heralded with a thick coat of green paint. The painting of hardware in Ireland was described as the first populist act of the new parliament, the Dail Eireann in Dublin. Decoration was easy but the imprinted symbols of British monarchs were more stubborn and refused to budge; crests remained moulded in metal. In Ireland and Malta, and indeed worldwide, lettering for Queen Victoria and King George remain inscribed and alive to this day. History leaves its mark upon the street.

While post-boxes in Ireland are green, those across the sea remain royalist red. However, there’s the overlapping corner on the Emerald Isle where colours clash. It’s where symbols matter. Tribal colours in Ulster are displayed as patriotically as a flag on a lamppost, changing abruptly at the Gerrymandered border: Green or Red, British or Irish, Loyalist or Republican. Some Unionists and observers alike suspect that these team colours could pose a problem if Irish unity was to proceed. History points to Britannic regalia being discoloured and some demolished: Nelson’s Pillar blown-up in Dublin and Queen Victoria’s statue smashed to smithereens. Could Unionists be robbed of their cultural comforts yet again? Surely, they’d see red if anyone was to paint their local post box in Belfast green!

Maybe Malta, an island that’s a thousand miles away, has the amicable answer. It has significantly more in common with Ireland than a post-box, or a phone-box or the love of Postman Pat with his black and white cat. Malta is declared to be the world’s most Catholic country, even more than the Republic of Ireland. This tiny blessed state boasts more papist churches in relation to population than anywhere else. It has a majestic baroque cathedral that makes the Vatican look like a mere garden shed. This is where Europe stood against Arab invaders, resisted the Otterman Empire, flew the flag and held the frontline for Christendom. The course of Europe’s history was decided in Malta. Ever since establishing a home for Christian knights, a springboard for crusades, and hosting the Order of Saint John, they’ve been blessing themselves and going to a Catholic mass, to confession and kneeling for the Angelus at six o’clock. Like children throughout Ireland, youngsters in Malta will prepare for their First Holy Communion and go on to get married in a Catholic church and maybe receive Last Rites from a priest at the end of their lives.

In a further similarity with republican Ireland, Malta had its own rebellion against British rule, during the time of the Irish Troubles. The bloody Sette Giugnio riots occurred in 1919. This resulted in, initially, a harsh suppression by the colonial authorities and then self-government being reluctantly granted in 1921. The two islands seemingly moved in similar steps at, roughly, the same time. As with the Easter Rising being commemorated in Dublin, Malta marks Sette Giugnio every year.

So, did Malta remove British icons or, maybe, go paint a post-box? No, not a bit of it. Despite its rebellion and papist allegiance, Malta was fighting for empire and its Protestant king a few years later. It held the fort for the Mother Country throughout World War Two. The island garrison in the Mediterranean was under siege. Again! Its history is littered with bombardments because of its strategic location: before and during the Roman Empire, then an Arab conquest and throughout the time of the Ottermans. As late as 1800 the island was blockaded during Napoleonic wars. So, in the early Forties it was rewarded yet again for its stubbornness, for their Maltese tendency to resist surrender. They were bold and resilient to the end. Being a mighty British defender of the sea resulted in it being bombed and bombed again. It was hit more than any other country on planet Earth. Despite being attacked mercilessly it refused to surrender; as always. It held the record for the most battered place during the war until a nuclear blast elevated poor Japan to take that most unwanted prize. At the end of an awful war the whole island was awarded the George Cross Medal for bravery and loyalty.

Some might have thought that Malta would have had enough of British colours and paraphernalia and all things empire. But no! Catholic Malta’s fondness for the red British post-box and kiosk is as staunch as the Irish Protestant’s appreciation for the Orange Lodge; loved, as children would love Postman Pat with his black and white cat.

Unionist or Nationalist, British or Irish, planter or Gael, take heed of Catholic rebels in Malta, proud of their Anglican steeple dominating the Valetta skyline. The tall stout Protestant church, Saint Paul’s, is just down the street from scores of Catholic churches and Saint John’s cathedral. Could Malta be a model for Ulster, a Catholic gesture and promise not to paint the town green again? Could voters for Irish unity still cherish nostalgia and appreciate the British post-box? 

It’s an important question because symbols matter. To this day, tribes fight over colours and words in Ulster, tearing down flags to burn and spit on, and whitewashing road signs into oblivion. A visitor to Malta, Carl Jung, psychologist and author of Man And His Symbols, unfolds the significance of steeples, statues, spirals and the like. Jung had an interest in the miss-mash of sacred sites on the island dating back centuries beyond the arrival of the British or any other empire. Today’s tourist is presented with both prehistoric and post-Roman religious symbols. The sacred structures sit happy alongside icons of Twentieth-century modernity and telepathy. They document religion’s history with domes and spikes, the symbols that Jung wrote about. It seems he did not write about the Great British phone-box, not a mention of its ornate crest to honour a monarch, but disciples of Jung regard technology as an emerging religion, as they did capitalism and all things money. They believe every religion has its symbols. Joseph Campbell, the writer and Jung-follower, suggested that modern structures, such as boastful tech towers and financial skyscrapers, reflect beliefs and are up there with the domes and steeples. Or maybe down there on a street with a red British phone-box.

Despite tourist hotels, Valetta has been spared the latest fashion in high-rise structure. It’s skyline and street scene has everything it needs to reflect ancient gods, Christendom and Twentieth-century modernity. The Internet, digitalisation and virtual space-age clouds may have rendered the post-box and phone-box redundant but the old street icons demand their slot in history. They stand there, alongside church and cathedral, not in a museum. Or is Malta a living museum? Regardless of a visitor’s belief, whether its ancient, modern or futuristic, there’s plenty to entertain the eye of today’s historian, tourist, dreamer, whoever.

Today, visitors walk in the footsteps of both Jung and Ireland’s writer of love letters. Yeats is regarded as the most all-time poetic client of the Royal Mail or any postal service. He is read and quoted here. Unfortunately, he was delivered late for much of Ireland. He was a true servant to Eire through troubled times, being instrumental in making the Irish Free-state function when, as with Malta, the British released its hold. However, he remained loyal to Protestant tradition. He would probably have voted to keep his local post-box painted red. He insisted on being buried in a Protestant churchyard but despite his allegiance to English tradition he embraced, honoured, promoted and even mourned Celtic culture: faeries, banshee and all. In his famous poem, Easter 1916, he wrote of Irish nationalism:

Wherever green is worn…..  A terrible beauty is born.

Maybe Ireland could revisit Yeats poetry, and copy Malta, adopt iconic monuments to a monarch, keep them as an inheritance rather than symbols of suppression. Let all be loved by tourist and locals alike, as Yeats loved Ireland and faeries, as the Maltese cherish symbols of the past, love authentic British icons as children love Postman Pat with his black and white cat.

 

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In 1916, Irish republicans led the Easter Rising that sought to end British rule and create an independent Ireland. As part of this they read the 1916 Proclamation or Easter Proclamation, a document that proclaimed Irish independence. Here, Jenny Snook explains the events and their lasting importance.

Birth of the Irish Republic by Walter Paget.

Birth of the Irish Republic by Walter Paget.

In 1949, Ireland was officially declared a republic. In 2008, an auction of independence memorabilia took place in Dublin, with sales reaching over €2 million (around $2.3 million). One of the pieces sold was an original copy of the 1916 Proclamation of the Irish Republic, selling for €360,000 (c. $410,000).[1] This was a declaration read out over a century ago by a member of the Irish Volunteer Force. Although not an official declaration, it is now seen as a symbolic gesture which motivated the Irish people to stand up for their right to obtain independence and is still celebrated today.

The country was first captured by the British in 1169 and Republican ideas immerged centuries ago from people willing to use force to free Ireland from the British Empire. The 1798 Rebellion is known as one of the most disturbing, violent events in Irish history, significantly inspired by French republicanism. The Easter 1916 Rising is commonly recognized as the turning point in the development of modern Ireland.

 

The Irish Volunteer Force (IVF)

The Irish Volunteer Force (IVF) was a military republican organization first founded in 1913 and was the group most significantly involved in the Rising. They were formed as a direct response to the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), established in 1912. The UVF opposed any republican ideas and wanted to remain part of the British Empire. The Irish Citizen Army (ICA) were a smaller force that took part in the Rising, set up as the armed wing of workers on strike during a labor dispute known as the “Dublin Lock Out”.

The Easter 1916 Rising displayed a willingness to resort to violence to make Ireland a republic. While the British were more concerned with the problems of World War One, a popular slogan that became linked with the IVF was:

England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity.

Conscription was never implemented in Ireland, but over 200,000 Irishmen still chose to enlist in the British army during the war. Members of the UVF were willing to stand up for their country but many members of the IVF had no desire to support a country that they did not want to be a part of.

It was their plan to take control of the General Post Office (GPO) on O’Connell Street in Dublin City Center, while taking over some other sites to block the main routes into the city. It was outside the GPO that Padraig Pearse would stand up and read the Proclamation of the Irish Republic.

Most of the actions taken involved rebels taking possession of buildings along these routes and then defending themselves from the British soldiers. It does not appear as though they expected victory but it seems more of a symbolic action that people still admire today. A famous statement made by Padraig Pearse, on 25th April was:  

Victory will be ours, even though victory will be found in death.[2]

 

Problems from the Beginning

Although members of the IVF all had the same goal of turning Ireland into a republic, they held vastly different views over whether the Rising was a good idea. Some thought that more time was needed to assemble followers and plan mass resistance. There were others who believed the best thing to do was strike, there and then, without worrying about the risks. Sean MacDermott was one of the leaders of the Rising who supported this view.

Opposing MacDermott, Eoin MacNeill felt this was a reckless and counter-productive idea that held no real benefits. One of the reasons MacNeill finally agreed to support the Rising was the reassurance that Germany would be sending over a shipment of weapons. The Aud carried 20,000 rifles, 3 machine guns, and ammunition over to Co. Kerry in southwest Ireland. Unfortunately, this ship was intercepted by the Royal Navy and the captain decided to scuttle the ship, rather than letting it be seized by the enemy. When MacNeill found out what had happened but realized that the Rising was still going ahead, he issued a ‘countermanding order’ to cancel their plans.

While he sent an order to cancel the rebellion beginning on Sunday, the Military Council met, agreeing to change the day until Monday, causing confusion. This disagreement was one of the main reasons why a lot of the people who had planned to attend on Sunday did not even turn up the next day.

None of the leaders were professional officers and they did not have enough support or sufficient artillery to seize power. There were about 1,300 members of the IVF involved and 219 from the ICA,[3] with a central meeting point outside the headquarters of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union at Beresford Place. Under Padraig Pearse and James Connolly (founder of the ICA), a force was sent out to take control of the GPO on O’Connell Street.

Four battalions were set up to occupy different parts of the city. The first of these battalions was led by Ned Daly and took possession the Four Courts, home of the country’s law courts. Under Thomas MacDonagh, the second battalion met at St. Stephen’s Green, before taking control of the Jacob’s Biscuit Factory. Eamon de Valera oversaw the third battalion, occupying Boland’s Bakery and under Eamonn Ceannt, the fourth battalion focused on a workhouse, ‘the South Dublin Union.’

Although their defensive locations were strong, these groups were positioned too far apart and there were not enough people involved to offer support if another was attacked. Although the initial British reaction was shock, martial law was quickly declared, leading to the gradual isolation and surrender of these rebel positions.

 

The Reading of the Proclamation

After taking control of the GPO, it was here that Padraig Pearse read out the Proclamation of the Irish Republic on April 24th, 1916. This was signed by James Connolly and 6 members of the IVF: Thomas J. Clarke, Eamonn Ceannt, Thomas MacDonagh, Joseph Plunkett, Padraig Pearse, and Sean MacDermott, written primarily by Pearse and Connolly.

A supporter of the Gaelic League (dedicated to protecting Irish language and culture), Pearse was also an educational reformer. He described the national school system as a ‘murder machine’ set out to destroy the Irish language.[4] Responsible for setting up several experimental, Irish speaking schools, he stated:

A country without language is a country without soul.[5]

There was only a small crowd present to listen to the reading of the proclamation. They did not show much enthusiasm when he tried to justify what the rebels were doing and what they hoped to achieve from it. The opening sentence read:

In the name of God and the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom.

He tried to assure the crowd that becoming a republic:

Guarantees equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all the children of the nation equally.[6]

Pearse may not have succeeded in motivating the crowd at the time, but was correct when he said later that week that:

When we are all wiped out, people will blame us. In a few years they will see the meaning of what we tried to do.[7]

 

Lasting Effects of the 1916 Rising

By Friday, it was clear they could not last much longer at the GPO. Pearse ordered female volunteers to leave and by 7pm was forced to evacuate himself. At 8pm, the remaining rebels gathered to sing Ireland’s national anthem: “The Soldier’s Song”. After their surrender, 3,430 men and 79 women were arrested and while about 2,700 prisoners had been released by August 1916, there was no escape for the leaders.  [8]

Between May 3 and May 12 all of the 14 leaders were shot dead, except for Eamon de Valera, who was officially a US citizen, moving over to Ireland at the age of two. The British might have sentenced these men to death to try and restore law and order, but all they really succeeded in doing was to turn most of the Irish public against them. Even though the majority of those arrested were released within a few months, there was still much resentment shown by those believing these people should not have been locked up in the first place. In 1917, support for Sinn Féin (Ourselves), a political party dedicated to Irish independence, grew rapidally.  After his release, De Valera became a national icon. Serving as Taoiseach from 1937-1948, 1951-1954, and 1957-1959, he went on to serve as president of Ireland between 1959 and 1973.

Unlike the small crowd that first listened to Padraig Pearse read out the proclamation in 1916, on March 27, 2016, hundreds of thousands listened to it being read out again outside the GPO by Captain Peter Kelleher, to mark the 100-year anniversary of the 1916 Rising. This is probably the most celebrated scene in Irish history which Irish people today are proud to celebrate. Well-known and passionate supporters of the Rising include Irish poet W. B. Yeats, named one of the greatest poets of the 20th century. The last lines of his poem ‘Easter 1916’ (1921) read:

MacDonagh and MacBride   

And Connolly and Pearse

Now and in time to be,

Wherever green is worn,

Are changed, changed utterly:   

A terrible beauty is born.[9]

 

 

How important do you think the 1916 Proclamation was to achieving Irish independence? Let us know below.


[1] https://www.irishtimes.com/news/proclamation-copy-sells-for-360-000-1.913576

[2] Pritchard, p42

[3] https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/profiles/po14.shtml

[4] Townshend, p71

[5] Pritchard, p8

[6] https://irishrepublican.weebly.com/proclamation.html

[7] https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/profiles/po11.shtml

[8] https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/aftermath/af01.shtml

[9] https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/43289/easter-1916

Bibliography

·       Kenny, Michael: The 1798 Rebellion (1996). Town House and Country House. Dublin.

·       Killeen, Richard: A Short History of the 1916 Rising (2009). Gill & Macmillan Ltd. Dublin

·       Pritchard, David: A Pictorial Guide to the 1916 Easter Rising (2015). Real Ireland Design. County Wicklow, Ireland.

·       Townshend, Charles: Ireland: The 20th Century (1999). Hodder Arnold. London.

·       https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/43289/easter-1916 Easter 1916, by William Butler Yeats.

·       https://irishrepublican.weebly.com/proclamation.html Copy of Proclamation.

·       https://www.irishtimes.com/news/proclamation-copy-sells-for-360-000-1.913576 Proclamation Copy Sells for €360,000. (Apr 16th, 2008).

·       https://www.rte.ie/news/ireland/2016/0327/777698-easter-rising/ Massive Crowds Line the Streets of Dublin for 1916 Parade (March 28th, 2016).

·       https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/profiles/po11.shtml 1916 Easter Rising Profiles: Patrick Pearse: 1879-1916.

·       https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/profiles/po14.shtml  The Irish Citizens Army

·       https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/easterrising/aftermath/af01.shtml The Executions

Much of the modern Irish identity is drawn from the belief that it is “Celtic.” This is evident in the many Irish art styles, music, symbols and sports clubs that take the name “Celtic.” But what is “Celtic”? And does it have anything to do with Ireland? Jackie Mead explains.

You can read Jackie’s previous article on Lewis Temple and the 19th century whaling industry here.

Jesus Christ as shown in the 9th century Book of Kells.

Jesus Christ as shown in the 9th century Book of Kells.

Who Were the Celts?

The word “Celt” comes from the Greek word “Keltoi,” used to refer to barbarians on the border of their empire. It is unlikely that these groups used the name to refer to themselves. For many years, academics believed that this group, loosely affiliated through culture, linguistics, and art style, was able to conquer much of mainland Europe and Ireland in the Late Bronze Age. This meant the new culture became the foundation of modern Irish culture, since the Irish natives of the time would not have been as strong as that of these continental invaders. However, those same academics were unsure as to when this group arrived, where they originated, and what technologies they brought.[1]

 

Social Darwinism and Archeology 

The Celtic invasion theory was able to take hold so effectively because invasion was already believed to be a common theme in Irish history. Early medieval pseudo-history stated that the modern Irish were the descendants of Mil, a biblical figure who traveled to the Iberian Peninsula and started the race that would eventually rule Ireland.[2]Continuing on this vein of thinking, nineteenth century archeologists believed that a new material culture in the archeological record indicated the arrival of a new, invading group (because, of course, it was simply not possible that one group could have twoart styles).

There were contemporary political motivations for this. At the time, Ireland was in a colonial relationship with England, and English scientists were attempting to rationalize Britain’s colonial empire through Social Darwinism. While the English were asserting that they were of a superior Germanic race, they were searching for an inferior origin for the Irish.[3]This led to a frantic search to find evidence that the Irish were descended from a barbaric continental tribe.[4]

 

Debunking the Myth

Archeology is a major player in the academic debate surrounding the Celts. Armies drop a lot of stuff, so some of that stuff would have ended up in the ground. But archeologists found a significant continuity throughout Irish prehistory. There is no sudden change in technology in the Late Bronze Age. The first iron objects were made to resemble traditional bronze objects, suggesting that they were made by the same people. Living conditions were similar as well; many Iron Age sites rest on reused Bronze Age hill forts.[5]Religious practices such as ritual deposition (purposefully dropping valuable objects into bogs and lakes) were also continued in the Iron Age, along with the burial traditions of cremation and single-grave tradition.[6]With all of these continuities, it seems highly unlikely that an invasion on a large scale could have taken place.

One of the most commonly turned to pieces of evidence for a Celtic invasion is the spread of the La Tène art style. This highly stylized curvilinear art style was very popular in the late Bronze Age, spreading from the Austrian-Switzerland region to Hungary, France, Germany, and Ireland. The English academics believed the Celtics invented La Tène and dropped it like a business card wherever they conquered a new territory. Antiquities expert John Collis calls this kind of association “dubious in the extreme.”[7]The theory completely ignores the fact that art can spread because people like it, not because it was brought by an invading army. Secondly, it fails to account for the fact that La Tène was almost exclusively a commodity for a very small group of wealthy people. An empire built on this art style would have been a very lonely one, and devoid of lower classes.[8]

It is far more likely that La Tène was brought to Ireland through contacts in Britain and on the Continent. Several pieces of the art have been found to be imported from these places, although the majority of it is Irish made.[9]Based on this evidence, La Tène is no longer considered to be the basis for the Celtic empire.

 

Pollen Evidence

Some of the most convincing evidence against the existence of a Celtic invasion comes from pollen. Pollen diagrams show that there was a resurgence of tree growth during the period, which indicates that there was a significant decrease in farming. It also shows that areas of Ireland were experiencing bog growth, which is unfit for human habitation.[10]Archeologists also had difficulty finding Iron Age sites to study, which means that there were less people during the period. The diminished population could not maintain the booming economy of the Late Bronze Age. An invading army, especially one that supposedly possessed great advancements in weaponry and art, would have boosted the economy and increased the population.[11]

 

Why Do the Irish Embrace Being Celtic?

If the ideas behind Ireland’s Celtic identity are not only wrong, but also racist, why have the Irish embraced it so much? Because, oddly enough, the English attempts to separate themselves from the Irish backfired spectacularly. Ireland had spent much of its history politically divided, and the new nationalist movement required a shared history. The idea of the Celt, a race that was separate from the British and had no right to be colonized by the descendants of Saxons, was created.[12]Douglas Hyde, the first President of Ireland, once wrote: “The sense of nationhood among the Irish stems from the half unconscious feeling that the Celtic race, which at one time held possession of more than half of Europe, is now making its last stand for independence on this island of Ireland.”[13]

 

The Celts of Today

Shared history is a powerful ingredient to nationalism, and the Celts became that for the Irish.[14]They fully embraced the biased literature of the period, embracing the so-called Celtic art style, music style, and spirituality. Today, the idea of the Irish Celt has been debunked in academia, but lives in on popular Irish culture.

As it became better known to the wider population, especially to the local Irish, the definition of a Celt changed. The ridiculous idea of an invasion by a continental group was replaced by a much more vague definition of “Celt,” simply meaning of Irish or Scottish origin. Although the original intent was to disenfranchise, the Irish have taken pride in their new identity. After all, the idea of Celtics did not take off in the popular imagination until the Irish were able to define it for themselves.

 

What do you think of the article? Let us know below.


[1]John Waddell, “Celts, Celticisation and the Irish Bronze Age,” in Ireland and the Bronze Age, ed. J. Waddell and E. Twohig (Dublin, 1995), 160.

[2]J.P. Mallory and Barra Ó Donnabháin, “The Origins of the Population of Ireland: A Survey of Putative Immigrations in Irish Prehistory and History,” Emania17 (1998): 47.

[3]Barra Ó Donnabháin, “An Appalling Vista? The Celts and the Archeology of Later Prehistoric Ireland,” in New Agendas in Irish Prehistory, ed. A. Desmond (Cork, 2000), 192.

[4]John Collis, “Celtic Myths,” Antiquity71 (1997): 197.

[5]Tomás Ó Carragáin, 2016. "Early Iron Age - The Celts.” Presentation, Boole Lecture Theater.

[6]Ó Carragáin,"Early Iron Age - The Celts.”

[7]John Collis, “Celtic Myths,” 199.

[8]Mallory and Ó Donnabháin, “The Origins of the Population of Ireland,” 61.

[9]Mallory and Ó Donnabháin, “The Origins of the Population of Ireland,” 61.

[10]Ó Carragáin, "Early Iron Age - The Celts.”

[11]Ó Carragáin, "Early Iron Age - The Celts.”

[12]Ó Donnabháin, “An Appalling Vista?” 192.

[13]Ó Carragáin, "Early Iron Age - The Celts.”

[14]Chris Morash, “Celticism: Between Race and Nation,” in Ideology and Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, ed T. Foley and S. Ryder (Dublin, 1998): 192.

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