Antietam and the Maryland Campaign: Part 1 – Background & The Lost Order

The Confederate victory at Second Manassas, August 28-30, 1862, followed victories in the Valley Campaign and the Peninsula. The casualties incurred by the Army of the Potomac included 14,000 killed or wounded of 62,000 engaged, compared to about half of that for the Army of Northern Virginia. Then, on September 1, Stonewall Jackson defeated a Union cohort retreating from the battlefield at Chantilly. General Pope was relieved of command and sent to Minnesota to deal with the Sioux, and was never again involved in the Civil War. Pope would blame Fitz-John Porter for the loss, even though that wasn’t the case; Porter would be heard from again at Antietam but would go through a devastating court martial soon after. One of Pope’s generals said of him, “Suffice to say ... that more insolence, superciliousness, ignorance, and pretentiousness were never combined in one man.”

In a multi-part series, here Lloyd W Klein looks at the background to Antietam and the Maryland Campaign.

General George B. McClellan. Source: Public domain, available here.

Situation: The Union

It would be hard to imagine what President Lincoln was going through after these battlefield defeats. After a year and a half of fighting, none of his generals had ever defeated the Rebels in the Eastern Theater, although General Halleck had done well enough in the west, thanks in large part to a crazy general named Sherman and a drunken one named Grant. The backbiting in the army was at full swing, the blockade was having only a moderate effect, and his diplomat to Britain, Charles Francis Adams, was afraid that PM Gladstone would force negotiations to end the conflict. The soldiers who had been enlisted for one year had now swerved their commitment, unless they wanted to re-enlist. Casualties were high, and there was a pervasive sense of incompetence at the top of the military leadership.

And even worse, General Lee was rumored to have crossed the Potomac on September 3rd. The United States was being invaded, the Union army had no commander, and the national mid-term elections were coming up in 2 months. No other POTUS has ever faced a crisis this serious, but then, no other president was Abraham Lincoln.

Lincoln had removed McClellan as general-in-chief after the Peninsula Campaign and brought in John Pope from the west. McClellan had remained Commanding General of the AoP. In the early stages of his command, McClellan was able to build the Union army into a more powerful unit than the Confederacy had faced at Bull Run. He was a brilliant administrator, and he had created a well-trained and supplied army, had planned a clever strategy to take Richmond, and his army greatly admired him. Despite these organizational successes, his apparent slowness, almost an unwillingness, to fight a battle slowed the war beyond what Lincoln could politically accept. His repeated unforced retreats in the Peninsula led to a lack of confidence. Moreover, McClellan had shown great disrespect for Lincoln. Most presidents would not have made this decision. But now, Lincoln needed a general to meet an imminent threat, and he went back to McClellan as the best man available. McClellan was very popular among the soldiers and the officers. The parallels are very interesting with the one at the onset of the Gettysburg campaign, when Hooker was dismissed on the eve of battle during an invasion following a devastating loss in Virginia. But now, 6 months later, Lincoln grudgingly gave McClellan command of the full eastern theater. Give Lincoln credit: he chose the best man available, even though they didn’t mesh well.

Some believe that McClellan purposely withheld his men from helping Pope at Second Manassas.  In late August, two full corps of the Army of the Potomac had arrived in Alexandria, but McClellan would not allow them to advance to Manassas because of what he considered inadequate artillery, cavalry, and transportation support. He was accused by his political opponents of deliberately undermining the Pope's position. But he is especially criticized by historians for his letter to his wife on August 10, "Pope will be badly thrashed within two days & ... they will be very glad to turn over the redemption of their affairs to me. I won't undertake it unless I have full & entire control." He told Abraham Lincoln on August 29 that it might be wise "to leave Pope to get out of his scrape, and at once use all our means to make the capital perfectly safe". After his severe defeat, Pope was relieved of command, and McClellan was reinstated. Lee invaded Maryland. Antietam occurred just 3 weeks later.

Situation: General Lee

After Second Manassas, General Lee enjoyed widespread popular acclaim in the South, and the confidence of the president and his cabinet. He had thus far turned every battle into a victory, even those where he lost more men percentage-wise, defeating two Union commanders in just a few months. While supplies and armaments were in short supply, at this stage they seemed adequate.  It was a propitious moment to plan an invasion of the north. But with Autumn coming, Lee had to move quickly and efficiently.

He had two excellent Corps Commanders in Longstreet and Jackson. His division commanders were highly competent, but they were also high-spirited, and their personalities clashed with their superiors. Lee was a highly perceptive judge of people. Lee recognized that Stonewall Jackson thrived on independent action, especially attack situations, and he would place him in that position in the campaign. He also saw Longstreet as embodying an attacking defender, and used him for the main base of the army for that purpose.

After Second Manassas, the ANV could not be supplied by the farms in Northern Virginia. The Orange and Alexandria RR did not have the capacity; critical bridges were down. The Manassas Gap was nonfunctional from Front Royal in the Valley. A large Army could not be sustained any longer on the land of northern Virginia. Lee had to go somewhere else. Lee had these objectives with an invasion of the North:

·       to move the focus of fighting away from the South and into Federal territory, to feed and clothe the troops.

·       To forage for supplies

·       To recruit in western Maryland and bring secession-leaning citizens hope

·       Achieve a military victory in the north: Lee believed he could outwit McClellan on any battlefield, and that the right opportunity would show itself.

·       Confederate success would also influence impending Congressional elections in the North, perhaps forcing a negotiated settlement

·       Persuade European nations to recognize the Confederate States of America. 

His objectives were political and logistical, not military. Lee did not have on his immediate agenda an attempt to raid or capture Baltimore or Washington, D.C. This makes it appear as if Lee was merely wandering aimlessly around western Maryland. But there were insufficient resources to take and hold any northern city. In an insurgency, it isn’t necessary to do so.

Robert E Lee. Source: Public domain, available here.

Traditionally, General Lee has been given the credit for planning. Rossino has recently found evidence that the campaign was the culmination of planning that had been discussed at the highest levels in Richmond since June-July 1861, and that the invasion was ordered by Jefferson Davis to fulfill a mandate issues by the Confederate Congress in December 1861.

Although the idea for the invasion was well-conceived, many modern-day civil war enthusiasts think this was a terrible idea because the Confederacy should have stayed on defense, not fritter away its resources. But the period after 2nd Manassas was the single moment of the war that was their best window for a chance at achieving a military victory, when Lee was truly in the ascendancy. Indeed, if he hadn’t tried, history would judge him harshly. This likely was the real high-watermark of the Confederacy, a moment when another Confederate victory might have brought huge dividends.

Lee crossed the Potomac at two fords west of Washington.  His army moved to Frederick, camping in a field 2 miles south of the town at Best’s Farm. Lee started on September 4 by sending D.H. Hill’s division across the Potomac about 5 miles north of Leesburg. Stonewall Jackson followed Hill across the river on September 5, and led the march to Frederick, near which he camped on September 6.

As far as anyone knows, Lee didn’t have a defined military objective for the campaign. His issuance of a movement order after reaching Frederick is the only existing tactical plan. The rest is speculation, and he may well have thought that the Union Army was so disorganized that he could run wild in western Maryland for a long while. The Army of Northern Virginia’s objectives at the time of the Maryland operation included feeding and clothing the troops, in addition to attracting recruits from among Marylanders sympathetic to the Confederacy. General Lee also initially planned to forage for supplies in southern Pennsylvania until winter brought an end to the campaigning season, but he abandoned that goal within 48 hours of crossing the Potomac River.

Militarily speaking, Lee endeavored to draw the Federals out of Virginia by threatening Washington from the northwest. This he accomplished by forcing George McClellan to shift his men from northern Virginia to positions around D.C. above the Potomac. Lee then hoped to engage the Federals in a clash that would decide the end of the war.

These are the goals that Lee and others wrote about, but there was yet another overriding objective - pulling Maryland out of the Union. The Confederate government had made accomplishing this an explicit political goal in December 1861, when it passed a resolution relating to Maryland which Jefferson Davis signed. Lee also appears to have initially believed - as did many in his army - that simply marching into Maryland would encourage Secessionists in the state to rise up against the Lincoln administration.

The invasion was made based on tactical considerations only. Lee believed he could easily flank the enemy by crossing the Potomac upriver from Washington and marching the Army of Northern Virginia through Maryland. A short thrust into Union territory would not be enough; a prolonged, several-month stay would be the key to Confederate success. Lee hoped to keep his army on United States soil through much of the autumn, not to capture and hold territory but to gather resources and create chaos before returning to Virginia as winter approached.

Lee Invades the North

Lee wanted to use Leesburg as his stepping-off point to get to Frederick. The turnpike leading out of Snickers Gap goes to Leesburg. This turnpike was an old Indian trail that white settlers had widened and had become the main thoroughfare between the Shenandoah and Loudoun County. Up to this point, Lee was using main roads for supply lines, which was clever strategically, as there were no railroads except as connected to Harper’s Ferry.

Frederick, Maryland, is centrally placed between Washington and Baltimore. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad  set up a supply line to that town. It is also well located to Harper’s Ferry. And, it was the new capital of Maryland when it was removed from Baltimore. There is good water nearby at the Monocacy River, and there is abundant farmland, so it is a great base.

In September 1862, Confederate forces crossed the Potomac River at several places. Here are the main crossing points utilized by Lee's army before the Battle of Antietam:

·       White's Ford: Located near Leesburg, Virginia, White's Ford was the major crossing point used by Lee's army as they entered Maryland (see drawing). They crossed the Potomac River here on September 4-6, 1862, and began their advance into Union territory.

·       Cheek’s Ford: Upstream of White’s Ford, was used by DH Hill’s forces.

·       Noland's Ferry: Situated downstream from White's Ford, Noland's Ferry was another crossing point used by Lee's forces. They crossed the Potomac here on September 7-8, 1862, continuing their movement into Maryland.

McClellan Responds

General McClellan assumed command of an army that was truly leaderless. Lincoln had intentionally diffused power so that no single mistake could be ruinous, but that had led to no one being capable of bold action. When McClellan took charge of the Union forces on Sept. 2, he inherited four separate armies, thousands of untrained recruits, and numerous other small commands that needed to be made ready in a hurry. To further complicate matters, three of the AoP’s senior commanders had been relieved of duty, charged with insubordination.

McClellan knew that Lee was in his northwest and moved in that direction. By the time he arrived in Frederick on September 13, Lee had been gone for 4 days. Classic histories portray McClellan's army as moving lethargically, averaging only 6 miles a day.

Lee was moving west to attack Harpers Ferry, which is west of Frederick. He was not moving east to advance on the big eastern cities. Had General Lee attacked any of the major cities, his lack of resources would have been immediately obvious. His supply lines were too tenuous to try: he couldn’t have held these cities, in any case. His goal was to goad Union generals into battles.

Harpers Ferry was a critical strategic point early in the war. It was the north-south crossroads from the Shenandoah Valley to Western Maryland, and the joining of the Potomac and Shenandoah Rivers. It contained a large arsenal and was a concentration for military manufacturers. All of these factors played key roles in why it was a crucial military goal. In fact, control of the town changed 8 times during the war, remaining in Union control for most of it.

Surrounded on three sides by steep heights, the terrain surrounding the town made it nearly impossible to defend; all one had to do with take the heights and shell the town until it surrendered. Stonewall Jackson once said he would rather “take the place 40 times than undertake to defend it once.”

The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal were crucial supply lines connecting the east with the west, and they ran right through town. These assets were the real reasons why Harpers Ferry was so strategically important.  If you take Harpers Ferry, the railroad is cut in half and supplies can’t be moved to the west without a large detour. And most importantly, Lee could then use this town as his supply depot for further operations deeper into Maryland.

McClellan commanded in theory 28 cavalry regiments. But the disastrous Manassas campaign had worn out the horses of almost half the Union regiments, while most of the remainder were stranded at Hampton Roads by gale-force winds. For the first week of the campaign, McClellan could only count on perhaps 1,500 cavalry from two regiments and a few scattered squadrons from his old army to challenge some 5,000 Confederate cavalry soldiers screening Lee’s army.General Franklin’s Sixth Corps troops captured the signal station atop Sugar Loaf Mountain on September 11. By that time, information had already come in from other sources, including Governor Andrew Curtin of Pennsylvania, reporting that Lee’s army had marched away from Frederick in the direction of Hagerstown. McClellan knew within 24 hours, or perhaps even less, that Lee’s army was on the move.

First Battle of Bull Run (First Manassas), Virginia, 1861. Source: Public domain, available here.

Special Order Number 191

Lee and a large part of the Confederate Army bivouacked on the Best Farm, about 4 miles south of Frederick, near the Monocacy River. This site would 2 years later be the location of the Battle of Monocacy, but on September 9, 1862, the Union army was not close to Frederick. General Lee set up headquarters in an oak grove on the farm and dictated orders to a subordinate who laid out the campaign for the next week. Numbered Special Order No. 191, headquarters distributed these orders using couriers who brought copies to the commanders of the army’s wings and divisions.

General Robert E. Lee issued Special Order No. 191, known as “The Lost Order”, on September 9, 1862, during the Maryland Campaign to his corps commanders directing their movements. In Special Order #191, General Lee outlined the routes to be taken and the timing for the attack of Harpers Ferry. It provided specific details of the movements his army would take during the invasion of Maryland.

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“Special Orders, No. 191

Hdqrs. Army of Northern Virginia

September 9, 1862

The citizens of Fredericktown being unwilling while overrun by members of this army, to open their stores, to give them confidence, and to secure to officers and men purchasing supplies for benefit of this command, all officers and men of this army are strictly prohibited from visiting Fredericktown except on business, in which cases they will bear evidence of this in writing from division commanders. The provost-marshal in Fredericktown will see that his guard rigidly enforces this order.

Major Taylor will proceed to Leesburg, Virginia, and arrange for transportation of the sick and those unable to walk to Winchester, securing the transportation of the country for this purpose. The route between this and Culpepper Court-House east of the mountains being unsafe, will no longer be traveled. Those on the way to this army already across the river will move up promptly; all others will proceed to Winchester collectively and under command of officers, at which point, being the general depot of this army, its movements will be known and instructions given by commanding officer regulating further movements.

The army will resume its march tomorrow, taking the Hagerstown road. General Jackson's command will form the advance, and, after passing Middletown, with such portion as he may select, take the route toward Sharpsburg, cross the Potomac at the most convenient point, and by Friday morning take possession of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, capture such of them as may be at Martinsburg, and intercept such as may attempt to escape from Harpers Ferry.

General Longstreet's command will pursue the same road as far as Boonsborough, where it will halt, with reserve, supply, and baggage trains of the army.

General McLaws, with his own division and that of General R. H. Anderson, will follow General Longstreet. On reaching Middletown will take the route to Harpers Ferry, and by Friday morning possess himself of the Maryland Heights and endeavor to capture the enemy at Harpers Ferry and vicinity.

General Walker, with his division, after accomplishing the object in which he is now engaged, will cross the Potomac at Cheek's Ford, ascend its right bank to Lovettsville, take possession of Loudoun Heights, if practicable, by Friday morning, Key's Ford on his left, and the road between the end of the mountain and the Potomac on his right. He will, as far as practicable, cooperate with General McLaws and Jackson, and intercept retreat of the enemy.

General D. H. Hill's division will form the rear guard of the army, pursuing the road taken by the main body. The reserve artillery, ordnance, and supply trains, &c., will precede General Hill.

General Stuart will detach a squadron of cavalry to accompany the commands of Generals Longstreet, Jackson, and McLaws, and, with the main body of the cavalry, will cover the route of the army, bringing up all stragglers that may have been left behind.

The commands of Generals Jackson, McLaws, and Walker, after accomplishing the objects for which they have been detached, will join the main body of the army at Boonsborough or Hagerstown.

Each regiment on the march will habitually carry its axes in the regimental ordnance—wagons, for use of the men at their encampments, to procure wood &c.

By command of General R. E. Lee

R.H. Chilton, Assistant Adjutant General”

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The point of these movement orders was to put Lee’s invasion into motion. Jackson was to take Harpers Ferry while the rest of Lee's army was posted at Boonsboro under the command of Maj. Gen. James Longstreet. DH Hill was designated to guard the rear. General Longstreet was to encircle the towns and roads leading to Harpers Ferry. The places where parts of the army were sent controlled the roads into and out of Harpers Ferry. Martinsburg holds the road across from Whites Ford. Boonsboro hold the road north of Harpers Ferry.  Once Lee’s various divisions were in place, Harpers Ferry was in essence surrounded.

Lee hoped that after taking Harper's Ferry to secure his rear, he could create chaos in western Maryland, wrecking the Monocacy aqueduct, before turning his attention to Baltimore, Philadelphia, or Washington, D.C. itself. Lee did not expect to be attacked by McClellan at this vulnerable moment. He was hiding at Boonsboro precisely to keep McClellan guessing. He could not know that McClellan knew where he was. Lee is not looking to bring on a large battle, and he knew McClellan must be somewhere behind him, so he was going in the opposite direction. What Lee would like is to operate surreptitiously and attack bits and pieces of the Union Army.

The Lost Order

Soldiers of the Union Army found a copy of this order in a field on September 13. The military intelligence gained allowed General George McClellan to advance his army with confidence, and thus was a decisive element in the Battles of South Mountain and Antietam.

In Special Order #191, General Lee outlined the routes to be taken and the timing for the attack on Harpers Ferry. It provided specific details of the movements his army would take during the invasion of Maryland. The crucial point was that Lee divided his army, which he planned to regroup later.  The order directed Major General Stonewall Jackson to move his corps to Martinsburg while McLaws's and Walker's divisions "endeavored to capture Harpers Ferry." Major General James Longstreet was to move his corps northward to Boonsborough. Major General DH Hill's division was to act as rearguard on the march from Frederick.

DH Hill’s camp was just over one mile to the southwest of Lee’s HQ, along a small watercourse named Ballenger’s Creek. To be clear, there is no evidence that Lee’s HQ sent a courier to Hill bearing a copy of Special Orders No. 191. The traditional story differs greatly from what recent scholarship by Alex Rossino has more recently uncovered.

Traditional Story: Lieutenant Colonel Robert H. Chilton, Lee’s assistant adjutant general (chief of staff), wrote out 8 copies of the order, 1 to each of the generals named and 1 to President Davis. At the time that Special Order #191 was written, Hill was under the command of Jackson, his brother-in-law. Jackson personally copied the document for Hill because once the army crossed into Maryland, the order specified that Hill was to exercise independent command as the rear guard. For this reason, Jackson copied and sent Hill the order because he didn’t know if Chilton had done so. But, since Special Order #191 conveyed Hill’s having an independent command once entering Maryland, Chilton had in fact sent Hill a copy. DH Hill received only the copy from General Jackson, in the general’s writing, and never received the copy written by Chilton. Since he had received his orders, no one was concerned at the time that a copy had been lost. The traditional story is that somewhere in that 1 mile ride, a courier delivering Lee’s order to DH Hill somehow lost it.

Updated Version Uncovered by Dr Rossino: Contrary to the assertions found in numerous texts, the lost copy was not dispatched by Lee. It is claimed that McClellan verified its authenticity based on the signature of Robert Chilton, which would have originated from Lee's headquarters. The version sent by Jackson successfully reached its destination, enabling Hill to understand his directives; however, this also contributed to the Confederates' unawareness of the lost copy from Lee. The lost document consisted of movement orders for D.H. Hill issued from army headquarters but was never transmitted. Research by Rossino indicates that the copy was likely created by Armistead L. Long rather than Robert Chilton, as the handwriting and signature on the lost document do not correspond with the official records that Chilton authored and signed. The reason for the creation of this additional copy remains unclear, although it is posited that Long either prepared it for Jeb Stuart or was instructed by Lee to do so when the cavalry commander visited headquarters on the afternoon of September 9. Stuart subsequently misplaced the order on September 12, yet he was not held accountable for this oversight since Hill's name was affixed to the document.

Np one really knows who lost the order found by the Union soldiers. In the traditional story, only Chilton’s courier, Hill’s staff, or Hill himself could have been the culprit who lost the orders. A frequently postulated possibility is that Hill did receive both orders and lost one of them.  After the war, this was the standard belief, but Hill always denied it. He even sent a letter to General Lee after the war detailing the events and asking for clarification, as he did not know what happened. Hill defended himself after the war vociferously. He knew his orders would come from Jackson, so the fact that none came from Lee did not surprise him. Hill famously carried the copy he had received in his pocket to show to everyone that he, indeed, had kept his copy of the orders. He claimed that he had pinned his version in his pocket, knowing of its importance. His chief of staff always maintained that only one version was received.

It seems self-evident that the critical clue is this: How did such an important document end up in a field wrapped around three cigars, still in the original envelope? A logical conclusion is that the last person to possess these items must have been a cigar smoker, which DH Hill was not. Several individuals, including myself, have speculated that Henry Kyd Douglas, a courier on Jackson’s staff, is the most likely suspect; he was known to smoke cigars and was present in Lee’s camp. However, in his memoirs, he made no mention of that particular day. Ultimately, this identification hinges on the existence of a courier.

That morning, the 27th Indiana rested in a meadow which had served as the site of a Confederate camp a few days before. It was there that the infamous envelope was discovered. Two Union soldiers, Corporal Barton W. Mitchell and First Sergeant John M. Bloss of the 27th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, found an official-looking envelope wrapped around 3 cigars. Around noon on September 13, a Union soldier on a skirmish line found an envelope. On opening it, Corporal Barton W. Mitchell of the 27th Indiana Volunteers, part of the Union XII Corps, found 3 cigars inside wrapped in a note. Mitchell did not read every word, but he noticed that it concluded with the phrase "By command of General Robert E. Lee” and was signed “R.H. Chilton, Assistant Adjutant General".

Mitchell recognized the significance of the document and showed it immediately to Sergeant John M. Bloss. The note was elevated up the 27th Indiana's chain of command: to Captain Peter Kop, Colonel Silas Colgrove, then to Brigadier General Alpheus Williams, commander of the 1st Division,  XII Corps. I told you we would hear from him again. And we are not yet done with his contributions.

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General Jacob Devers: Inspired Soldier or Insightful Visionary?

In the annals of World War II European military history, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Omar Bradley, and George Smith Patton Jr. come to mind for the public and military historians alike. However, General Jacob Devers is often overlooked in World War II history. Devers had humble beginnings. However, he would leave a lasting impact on tank warfare. He held important strategic command posts and led a critical victory on the battlefield. General Jacob Devers’ impact on World War II military history was significant.

Daniel Boustead explains.

Jacob Devers (left) with British General Sir Henry Maitland Wilson. Public domain, available here.

Jacob Loucks Devers was born on September 8, 1887, in York County, Pennsylvania.[1] Jacob lived with his family in a house at 254 West York Avenue (now Roosevelt Avenue), which became the family's homestead.[2] A frequent pastime for young Jake involved playing sandlot ball.[3] At  age 14, Jake entered York High School.[4] In early June 1905, he graduated from the same educational institution.[5]

On May 30, 1905, Devers’ York High classmate Bernard Pentz formulated an outstanding prophecy.[6]  Pentz stated: “It was the scene of battle and there I saw General Jacob Devers, commander-in-chief of the United States Army, fighting a battle. Although the enemy had a greater number and Jacob was at a disadvantage in fighting on foreign soil, still by careful and original strategy, he has conquered his adversary”.

Jacob Devers was accepted at West Point based solely on high school grades and class standing, without the traditional military academy entrance exam.[7] He would begin his career at West Point at the institution in mid-June 1905.[8]  He graduated from West Point on June 11, 1909, and graduated 39th out of a class of 103 male students.[9] In contrast, his classmate and future World War II General George Patton only graduated 46th. It was after his graduation that Jacob Devers was commissioned in the Field Artillery of the U.S. Army.[10] This move would impact his Army career in the years to come.

U.S. Army Armored Force

On August 1, 1941 he became the second chief of the U.S. Army Armored Force after its first chief, Adna Chaffee, became too ill with cancer to take command of the post.[11] He quickly revitalized the U.S. Army Armored Force headquarters . Devers was chosen for the task because, as an artilleryman, he represented a compromise between the interests of the infantry and the cavalry in the U.S. Armored Force.[12] His tactical influence in his new command was to ensure the armored divisions received ample firepower. This contrasted with General George Patton, who viewed the mobility of armor as the most important factor in tank warfare and he used light tanks in the same fashion as horses had been used in the past. Furthermore, Devers sought to stimulate improvements in guns, particularly self-propelled guns, which were used to support the tanks. Devers also devoted much attention to obtaining better tank engines, suspension systems, and communications and ammunition for the U.S Army Armored Force. In addition, he attracted new and young officers to come into the U.S. Army Armored Force to help spread and facilitate the dissemination and discussion of new ideas about Armored warfare.  Devers’ basic goal when he took command of this U.S. Armored Force was to as he put it: ”Show that the tank is nothing but a mechanism to carry fire-power to the enemy position, utilizing mobility for tactical and strategical purpose”.

Devers and a fellow military officer named Ted Brooks coordinated the M7 Priest 105 millimeter self-propelled howitzer’s development with the American Locomotive Company, which began producing the self-propelled howitzer in 1942.[13]The M7 self-propelled howitzer would become one of the great American weapons success stories of World War II.

 In a discussion with George Patton, Devers persuaded Patton to stop sending notes to Secretary of War Henry Stimson arguing that the M4 Sherman Tank should have more machine guns.[14] Patton then said to Devers “Jake, you’re the boss and I’m one of your commanders, and I’ll play ball.”

Jacob Devers also vetoed the M6 Heavy Tank, (an idea of Army Ordnance’s Gladeon Barnes), as not practical because it broke down too often.[15]

On November 11, 1943, Jacob Devers received the Distinguished Service Medal for his work with the U.S. Army Armored Force, especially for the period he served as chief of the group from August 1, 1941, to May 7, 1943, and the training of the group.[16]

European Theater of Operations

On May 7 1943, Devers was relieved of command as Chief of the U.S. Army Armored Force.[17] On May 8, 1943, General Devers boarded an airplane to England to become commander of the European Theater of Operations.[18] He replaced General Frank Maxwell Andrews, who was killed when his plane hit a mountain in Iceland in May 1943.[19]

General Marshall decided that Devers had the experience and qualities to continue the unfinished work left behind after Andrews’ death.[20] One of the first important achievements Devers made in his new command was to recommend Ira Eaker to be promoted to lieutenant general, which was a rank commensurate with his responsibilities as commander of the Eighth Air Force.[21] In addition, he and General Eaker reported to General Arnold that they were recommending Colonel Curtis LeMay and Colonel Edward Timberlake for promotion to brigadier general in the Army Air Force.[22] In the same conversation with General Arnold, Devers and Eaker were culling weaker leaders from the group and wing commander positions of the Army Air Force. On December 31, 1943, the U.S. Army relieved Jacob Devers of his London-based command of the European Theater of Operations (ETO).[23]

Sixth Army Group

On August 1, 1944, Jacob Devers became the Commanding General for the Sixth Army Group.[24] His Sixth Army Group was involved in Operation DRAGOON, the invasion of Southern France.[25] The Military operation was aided by heavy bombing on August 14, 1944, starting in Genoa and ending at a point 100 miles west of Marseilles. In addition to foggy weather, the military attack was aided by a group of approximately 2,100 Anglo-French personnel who carried radar-jamming transmitters that jammed the German radar. Furthermore, Pathfinder teams also set up beacons to illuminate the way for the military assault. Operation DRAGOON officially started on August 15, 1944. The Sixth Army Group encountered very little resistance from the Germans. In addition, by September 3, 1944, the city of Lyon had been captured. The first 30 days of Operation DRAGOON resulted in 80,000 Germans captured and thousands killed, at a cost of only 4,100 Allied casualties. The success of Operation DRAGOON also helped capture the important port of Marseilles, which was strategically important to the Allies. Marseilles was the largest Allied port city with the facilities the Allies needed. The Allies did not possess a larger port until Antwerp was opened in November 1944.

In September 1949, Jacob Devers retired from the U.S. Army.[26] He died on October 15, 1979 and is buried at Arlington National Cemetery.[27]

Not as famous as General Patton and others, Jacob Devers, nonetheless, proved to be a prime asset to the Allied cause! Devers was a military visionary and an armored warfare pioneer.

References

Blumenson, Martin, Patton Papers, Vol.2., “Maneuvers  Section 17, August 9, 1941, page 41, box 8, file 8, Tank Destroyers Bruce and Devers of the Jacob Devers Papers, York County History Center, York, Pennsylvania.

Markey, Michael A JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998.

Robinson, Richard. “World War II Briefings: General Devers & the Sherman Tank”. Presented at the 5th World War II Briefings of the York County History Center, York, Pennsylvania, on May 9, 2026.

Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University Press of Kentucky, 2018.

[1] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 10.

[2] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 12.

[3] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 17.

[4] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 12.

[5] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 12 and 15.

[6] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 22.

[7] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 22 to 23.

[8] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 15.

[9] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 26.

[10] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 28.

[11] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 55 to 56.

[12] Blumenson, Martin, “Patton Papers”.Vol.3., “Maneuvers  Section 17, August 9, 1941,page 41, box 8, file 8, Tank Destroyers Bruce and Devers of the Jacob Devers Papers, York County History Center, York, Pennsylvania.

[13] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 158.

[14] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 168 to 169.

[15] Robinson, Richard. “World War II Briefings: General Devers & the Sherman Tank”. Presented at the 5th World War II Briefings of the York County History Center, York, Pennsylvania, on May 9, 2026.

[16] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998.  67.

[17] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 61.

[18] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 204 to 205.

[19] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 61 to 62.

[20] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 212 to 213.

[21] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 219 to 220.

[22] Wheeler, James Scott, Jacob L. Devers : A General’s Life.  2015. Lexington, Kentucky:  University of Kentucky Press, 2018. 223.

[23] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998.  61 to 62 and  68.

[24] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a  fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998.  68.

[25] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998.  73 to 78.

[26] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998.  98.

[27] Markey, Michael A, JAKE: The General from West York Avenue. York, Pennsylvania:  The Historical Society of York County(now York County History Center ) and a fund from the Robert P. Turner Foundation, 1998. 112.

Henry VIII & His Wives: Part 4 — Jane Seymour: The Quiet Queen

In the dramatic and dangerous world of the Tudor court, few figures appear as restrained and enigmatic as Jane Seymour. Where Anne Boleyn had dazzled with wit, ambition, and controversy, Jane emerged as a figure of silence, modesty, and traditional femininity. Yet beneath this calm exterior lay a woman whose brief reign would alter the future of England more profoundly than many queens who sat upon the throne for far longer. Jane Seymour's significance did not arise from political brilliance or religious revolution, but from the simple and immense fact that she succeeded where Henry's previous marriages had failed: she gave the king a legitimate male heir. In doing so, she secured her place forever within the turbulent history of the Tudor dynasty.

Terry Bailey explains.

Read part 1 on King Henry VIII here, part 2 on Catherine of Aragon here, and part 3 on Anne Boleyn here.

Jane Seymour. Attribution: Hans Holbein workshop, available here.

Jane was born around 1508 into the ambitious but comparatively restrained Seymour family of Wiltshire. Unlike Anne Boleyn, whose years at the sophisticated courts of the Low Countries and France had shaped her into a cosmopolitan and intellectually confident woman, Jane's upbringing was more traditional and conservative. She was educated primarily in the domestic accomplishments expected of noblewomen in Tudor England: household management, embroidery, music, and religious devotion. She lacked Anne's sharp political instincts and dazzling conversational abilities, yet in the climate that followed Anne's downfall, these very qualities became advantages. Henry VIII had grown exhausted by conflict, public controversy, and the relentless political storms surrounding his second marriage. Jane appeared to offer something entirely different, peace, obedience, and stability.

The contrast between Jane and Anne was carefully cultivated both by Henry and by those at court eager to distance themselves from the fallen queen. Anne had become associated in the minds of many English subjects with upheaval: the break from Rome, the destruction of old certainties, and factional court politics. Jane, by comparison, dressed conservatively, behaved modestly, and projected humility. She rarely intervened openly in matters of state and deliberately avoided the intellectual flamboyance that had characterized Anne's queenship. Yet this quieter image should not obscure the reality that Jane was still operating within one of the most dangerous political environments in Europe. Tudor queenship was inseparable from power, and every royal marriage carried immense political implications.

Henry's courtship of Jane began while Anne Boleyn's position was already collapsing. By early 1536, the king's frustrations with Anne had deepened due to miscarriages, political tensions, and his growing infatuation with Jane herself. Jane reportedly refused to become Henry's mistress, presenting herself instead as a virtuous woman who would surrender only through marriage. Whether this reflected genuine personal morality or calculated political wisdom remains debated by historians, but the effect upon Henry was significant. At a time when the king increasingly viewed women through the lens of loyalty and obedience, Jane embodied the idealized image of feminine submission that he now desired.

The speed with which events unfolded revealed both Henry's ruthlessness and the precarious nature of queenship in Tudor England. Anne Boleyn was executed in May 1536 on charges of adultery, incest, and treason, accusations many historians regard as politically motivated or exaggerated. Astonishingly, Henry became formally engaged to Jane Seymour the day after Anne's execution and married her less than two weeks later. The rapid transition from one queen to another shocked foreign ambassadors and demonstrated how completely personal desire, dynastic anxiety, and political authority had merged within Henry's monarchy.

As queen, Jane Seymour consciously attempted to heal the divisions that had fractured both the royal family and the kingdom itself. One of her most important acts was seeking reconciliation between Henry and his eldest daughter, Mary I of England. Mary had been declared illegitimate following Henry's divorce from Catherine of Aragon and had endured years of humiliation and political isolation under Anne Boleyn's ascendancy. Jane treated Mary with kindness and encouraged Henry to restore relations with his daughter. Though Mary was not fully restored to legitimacy, the gradual thaw in relations marked an important moment in the rebuilding of the Tudor family.

Jane's queenship unfolded during a period of continuing religious tension. England remained deeply divided by Henry's break with the authority of the papacy. Although Henry had rejected Rome and established himself as Supreme Head of the Church of England, the religious identity of the kingdom remained uncertain. Jane herself appears to have retained conservative Catholic sympathies. She reportedly interceded with Henry on behalf of participants in the Pilgrimage of Grace, the major northern rebellion against religious reforms and the dissolution of monasteries in 1536. Henry reacted furiously, warning Jane not to meddle in political affairs by reminding her of the fate of previous queens who had overstepped their boundaries. The incident revealed the narrow limits placed upon female authority in Tudor England. A queen might influence the king privately, but direct intervention in matters of policy remained dangerous territory.

This tension between gender and power forms one of the defining themes of Henry VIII's marriages. Queens were expected to embody obedience and fertility while simultaneously serving as dynastic instruments and political symbols. Their value depended heavily upon their ability to produce sons, maintain alliances, and avoid threatening male authority. Jane Seymour succeeded largely because she appeared to understand these unwritten rules better than her predecessor. Yet even her apparent conformity reflected the harsh constraints placed upon women at the Tudor court, where failure could mean exile, disgrace, or death.

The defining moment of Jane Seymour's life came in October 1537 when, after a difficult labor lasting several days, she gave birth to a healthy son at Hampton Court Palace: the future Edward VI of England. Across England, church bells rang in celebration. Henry VIII, after nearly three decades of anxiety, disappointment, and political turmoil, finally possessed the legitimate male heir he had long desired. The birth transformed Jane's status immediately. More than any previous queen, she had fulfilled the essential dynastic duty expected of a Tudor consort.

The importance of Edward's birth cannot be overstated. Henry's obsessive pursuit of a male heir had reshaped England politically, religiously, and socially. His desperation had led to the rejection of papal authority, the establishment of the Church of England, the dissolution of monasteries, and the concentration of royal power on an unprecedented scale. Jane Seymour's success therefore appeared almost providential to contemporaries. To many observers, she became the embodiment of ideal queenship precisely because she delivered the son that justified, in Henry's mind, the sacrifices and upheavals of the previous years.

Yet triumph quickly turned to tragedy. Jane Seymour fell gravely ill shortly after childbirth, likely suffering from puerperal fever, a common and often fatal infection following delivery in the pre-modern world. On the 24th of October 1537, less than two weeks after Edward's birth, she died at the age of approximately twenty-eight. Her death plunged Henry into genuine grief. Unlike his reactions to several of his later wives, the king appears to have mourned Jane deeply and sincerely. He withdrew from public life for a period and wore black for months afterward. Significantly, Henry chose to be buried beside Jane after his own death in 1547, suggesting that he regarded her as his "true" wife — the queen who had given him the son and dynastic security he had pursued for so long.

Jane Seymour's posthumous reputation benefited enormously from her early death. Because she died before political tensions or personal conflicts could damage her standing with Henry, she remained frozen in royal memory as the virtuous and successful queen. Unlike Catherine of Aragon, she did not endure rejection; unlike Anne Boleyn, she did not suffer destruction; unlike later wives, she was not associated with scandal, disappointment, or political embarrassment. Death preserved her image at its most idealized moment.

Her legacy, however, extends beyond her role as mother to Edward VI. Jane's queenship illustrated the increasingly transactional nature of monarchy in Tudor England, where marriage functioned simultaneously as a personal relationship, political institution, and religious battleground. Through her, one can observe the evolution of Henry VIIIhimself. The young Renaissance prince who had once pursued romance and glory had become a hardened ruler shaped by suspicion, dynastic fear, and the burden of absolute authority. Jane represented not passion but reassurance, a retreat into the comforting image of traditional queenship after the chaos unleashed by Anne Boleyn's rise and fall.

The long-term consequences of Jane Seymour's brief reign would reverberate far beyond her lifetime. Edward VI inherited the throne as a child in 1547 and presided, through his regents, over the acceleration of Protestant reform in England. Ironically, the male heir whose birth had seemed to stabilize the Tudor dynasty would rule for only six years before dying young, plunging the succession once again into crisis. Yet without Jane Seymour, the entire trajectory of English history might have unfolded differently. The Tudor succession, the religious identity of England, and the future of the monarchy itself were all shaped by the short life of the quiet queen who succeeded where others had failed.

In the broader story of Henry VIII and his six wives, Jane Seymour occupies a uniquely paradoxical position. She was perhaps the least politically flamboyant of Henry's queens, yet arguably the most consequential. Her reign lacked the dramatic confrontations associated with Catherine of Aragon or Anne Boleyn, but her impact upon the Tudor dynastyproved immense. In a court where women were judged by their usefulness to male power, Jane Seymour achieved the highest success possible and paid for it with her life, through a possible post-pregnancy-based illness.

In conclusion, Jane Seymour's story remains one of the most revealing and tragic episodes within the history of the Tudor monarchy. Although her queenship was short, its consequences shaped the political and religious future of England for generations. In many ways, Jane embodied the ideal Tudor queen as Henry VIII understood it: obedient, modest, fertile, and loyal to both husband and dynasty. Yet the very qualities that elevated her in Henry's eyes also expose the harsh realities faced by women at the Tudor court, where a queen's security depended almost entirely upon her ability to satisfy dynastic expectations. Jane achieved what Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn could not by producing a legitimate male heir, but the cost of that success was ultimately her own life.

Her brief reign also highlights the deeply fragile nature of power in Henry VIII's England. Beneath the ceremonies, splendor, and outward stability of monarchy lay a court governed by fear, faction, and the constant pressure of succession. Jane's careful caution, her avoidance of open political confrontation, and her deliberate presentation as a traditional and virtuous consort were not simply reflections of personality, but survival strategies within a system that could swiftly destroy even the most powerful individuals. The memory of Anne Boleyn's execution lingered over Jane's queenship, serving as a constant reminder of the dangers surrounding royal favor and female influence.

At the same time, Jane Seymour's life reveals the deeply personal dimension of Tudor politics. Henry VIII's marriages were never merely private relationships; they shaped the religious identity, political structure, and dynastic future of the kingdom itself. Through Jane's successful delivery of Edward VI, the king finally secured the succession he had pursued with obsessive determination for decades. Yet history would ultimately reveal the bitter irony of this triumph. Edward's short reign failed to bring lasting stability, and the Tudor succession crises continued after his death, leading eventually to the reigns of Mary I and Elizabeth I, whose legacies would eclipse even that of the long-desired male heir.

Jane's enduring reputation owes much to the fact that her life ended before disappointment, scandal, or political conflict could tarnish her image. She became immortalized as Henry's "perfect" queen largely because she died at the height of her success. In death, she was transformed into a symbol of peace and dynastic fulfilment, preserved forever in contrast to the dramatic rises and catastrophic falls that characterized so many of Henry's other marriages. Yet reducing Jane merely to the role of obedient wife or mother of Edward VI risks overlooking the broader significance of her place in history. Her queenship reflects the expectations placed upon women in Renaissance monarchy, the limitations of female authority, and the dangerous intersection of gender, politics, religion, and dynastic ambition in sixteenth-century England.

Ultimately, Jane Seymour occupies a uniquely important position in the story of the Tudors. She neither transformed England through ideology nor dominated the political stage through force of personality, yet her influence upon the course of English history was immense. Quiet where others were confrontational, cautious where others were ambitious, Jane nevertheless altered the destiny of the Tudor dynasty more decisively than almost any queen consort before or after her. Her life serves as both a testament to the immense power of queenship and a reminder of its terrible human cost in the age of Henry VIII.

Read more about Anne Boleyn here.

Sarah Tyson Rorer and America's Food Safety Revolution

Most Americans today rarely think about the basic rules of food safety. Vegetables are washed before cooking. Milk is refrigerated. Kitchen counters are wiped down without much thought. Recipes come with precise measurements and expiration dates guide daily decisions. These habits feel so routine that they appear timeless, but, they are not. Here, Eric Schubert explains the important role of Sarah Tyson Rorer and America’s food safety revolution.

Sarah Tyson Rorer.

At the turn of the twentieth century Americans were navigating a food system changing faster than their understanding of it. Cities were expanding rapidly and food increasingly traveled long distances before reaching consumers. Milk, meat, and produce passed through a growing chain of handlers. Refrigeration remained limited food inspection laws were inconsistent, and germ theory was still filtering into everyday life. The consequences were immediate. Milk carried disease, meat spoiled quickly, and markets varied widely in cleanliness. For many households, the kitchen had become a place of uncertainty rather than comfort.

Long before federal agencies regulated food production and decades before food safety became government policy Americans often turned elsewhere for guidance. One of the most influential voices was Sarah Tyson Rorer, an educator, lecturer, and cookbook author who helped millions understand how food preparation sanitation and nutrition affected health. Though largely forgotten today, she helped shape what became the modern American kitchen.

Mrs. Rorer Arrives

Born Sarah Tyson Heston in 1849, Rorer grew up during a period when food and health were increasingly linked in public thinking. Later accounts often repeated a story that her mother used diet to manage her father’s illness. Whether fully accurate or not it reflected a broader nineteenth century belief that food could function as medicine and that the kitchen played a central role in health.

Her rise began in 1882 with the founding of the Philadelphia Cooking School. While cooking schools existed before Rorer’s institution emphasized something different. It focused on principles rather than recipes alone. Students learned nutrition sanitation household management and food preparation as part of a structured system of instruction. Cooking was reframed as discipline rather than tradition. This aligned with broader changes in American life where expertise standardization and efficiency were reshaping industry medicine and education. Rorer positioned the kitchen within that same modern framework. It was not separate from scientific progress but an extension of it applied to everyday life!

The Kitchen as a Laboratory

Rorer’s influence came from precision and repetition. Earlier recipes often relied on vague measures and inherited assumptions that varied widely between households. A ‘handful’ or a ‘cup’ could differ dramatically depending on the cook. Rorer replaced this uncertainty with standardized instructions and repeatable methods. Ingredients were measured carefully and procedures were written so that results could be reproduced in any home. The goal was consistency and reliability across households that shared no common training. The kitchen in her view should function with the same order and discipline as a laboratory!

In works such as Mrs. Rorer’s New Cook Book and Diet for the Sick she consistently linked food preparation to health outcomes, an example being cleanliness, freshness, and proper handling of ingredients were not optional details. They were essential to preventing illness and supporting recovery.

America's First Food Influencer

Rorer reached audiences far beyond Philadelphia by mastering the expanding media landscape of her time. She wrote for widely-read publications including Ladies’ Home Journal, published cookbooks that circulated nationally, delivered lectures, and conducted cooking demonstrations across the United States. Her advice reached thousands of households simultaneously and helped define how Americans understood domestic responsibility in an age of rapid change.

In effect, she became one of the first nationally recognized food authorities and dieticians in the United States. Her public presence extended to major national exhibitions, including the 1904 Louisiana Purchase Exposition in St. Louis where ideas about modern living and domestic science were showcased on a national stage. By the early twentieth century, “Mrs. Rorer” had become a familiar name in American households.

Before Federal Regulation

Rorer’s career unfolded during a period when food regulation in the United States was still developing. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle was not published until 1906, and meaningful federal oversight of food production would take years to fully emerge. In this gap between scientific knowledge and government regulation, education played a central role. It is why “Mrs. Rorer”, in part, was so successful. Again, all these ideas may appear ordinary today but at the time they marked a significant shift in expectations about domestic life.

Conclusion

By the time Sarah Tyson Rorer died in 1937 near Mount Gretna and Colebrook in Pennsylvania, the world she had helped shape was already being reorganized. Domestic science had moved into universities and home economics departments while government agencies assumed larger roles in food regulation and public health. The era of the traveling domestic educator was fading. Her influence remained visible in everyday practice, though. The expectation that recipes should be precise, that kitchens should be sanitary, and that food preparation has direct implications for health, all reflect changes she helped bring into the mainstream. “Mrs. Rorer’ did not invent modern food safety, but she played a central role in teaching Americans how to live with it.

The history of public health is often told through laboratories laws and institutions. Sarah Tyson Rorer reminds us that it was also shaped in kitchens through cookbooks lectures and the daily labor of households adapting to a rapidly changing world. Long before food safety became federal policy it became a daily practice and she helped make that possible. Her significance lay not in generating scientific breakthroughs, but in translating scientific ideas into practical household routines that ordinary families could follow.

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Sources

Levenstein, Harvey. Revolution at the Table The Transformation of the American Diet, Oxford University Press (1988).

Rorer, Sarah Tyson. Good Cooking. Philadelphia: Curtis Publishing Company, (1898).

Rorer, Sarah Tyson. Mrs. Rorer’s New Cook Book Arnold and Company (1902).

Rorer, Sarah Tyson. Diet for the Sick Arnold and Company (1917).

Shapiro, Laura. Perfection Salad Women and Cooking at the Turn of the Century, Farrar Straus and Giroux (1986).

The Lexington Intelligencer (August 10, 1917). Sarah Tyson Rorer: Great Food Expert.

The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, The New York Public Library. "Sarah Tyson Heston Rorer." New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 31, 2026.

Weigley, Emma Seifrit. Sarah Tyson Rorer The Nation’s Instructress in Dietetics and Cookery American Philosophical Society (1977)

Bio:

Eric Schubert is a public historian, internationally featured genealogist, and human identification expert as seen on Good Morning America, People Magazine, and more. As a White-House Historical Association Next-Gen Leader, his public history work focuses on Presidential history and local biography topics throughout Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. His Master’s Thesis topic from Millersville University of Pennsylvania “Barr Spangler (1822-1922) and the Prohibition Party of Pennsylvania” was awarded by the Pennsylvania Historical Association, he co-wrote the award-winning documentary “The Prospect For Freedom: on Civil Rights Trailblazer W. Miller Barbour (1908-1957) while also organizing the W. Miller Barbour Lecture Series with colleague Abigail Sholes, and his research on Rorer contributed to the new biography “Sarah Tyson Rorer: The Pure Food Movement & Mount Gretna’s Rorer Hall of Cookery”.

Why Were Time Zones Were Created by American Railroads in 1883?

Before November 18, 1883, noon in New York was not noon in Philadelphia. Not noon in Pittsburgh. Not noon in Chicago. Each city kept its own time, measured against the position of the sun directly overhead that town, that day. This was not a flaw. It was how time had always worked. Here, Ali Mujtaba Zaidi looks at the change.

A 1948 map of standard time zones of the United States.

In the US in 1883, the different times in different cites made railroads dangerous.

A passenger leaving Boston in the 1870s carried a watch set to Boston time. At Providence, the station clock showed something slightly different. At New Haven, different again. By the time the train reached New York, a traveler paying close attention had passed through four or five quietly disagreeing versions of the same afternoon. Most people found this mildly irritating. Railroad schedulers found it a genuine operational nightmare.

Conductors often carried small handwritten conversion tables in their breast pockets, noting the difference between their company's internal clock and whichever local time the next station was running on. A few minutes here. Eight minutes there. It sounds trivial. On a single-track line with two trains moving toward each other from opposite ends, it was not trivial at all.

The Fragmentation Problem

By the early 1870s, the United States had somewhere between 50 and 80 separate railroad time standards running simultaneously. Some estimates go higher, depending on how you count regional variations and company-specific practices. No authoritative single number exists. What does exist is a picture of fragmentation serious enough that the Railroad Gazette, which tracked industry operations closely, was publishing regular complaints about it through the 1870s.

The safety concern was specific. Single-track railroads, which described most American rail infrastructure at the time, required trains traveling opposite directions to pass at designated sidings. That coordination depended entirely on agreed timing. If a stationmaster in one town and a stationmaster forty miles away were working from clocks even three or four minutes apart, the margin for error on a high-speed approach shrank considerably.

Collision records from the period are difficult to analyze cleanly. Mechanical failures, poor track conditions, and miscommunication caused most accidents, and historians are rightly cautious about attributing too many disasters to timing alone. But the rail industry itself identified clocking inconsistencies as a contributing factor in enough incidents that by the late 1870s, reform was no longer a theoretical debate. It was an economic and safety priority.

The resistance to solving it was partly political, partly institutional. Each railroad company had built its own internal timekeeping standard, often based on the solar time of its headquarters city. Adopting a rival company's time standard felt, to many managers, like a concession. Who sets the reference clock was also a question about whose city, whose meridian, whose commercial center stood at the center of the network.

The Man With the Proposal

William Frederick Allen did not invent the idea of time zones. Several astronomers and geographers had proposed versions of the concept through the 1860s and 1870s, including the Canadian engineer Sandford Fleming, whose advocacy for global standardized time ran through the same decade. What Allen did was take a workable version of the idea and spend years making it acceptable to the people who actually controlled American rail operations.

Allen was secretary of the General Time Convention, a body representing the major American railroad companies. His position was essentially that of a technical administrator and industry diplomat. He had access to the people whose agreement he needed. He also understood the practical constraints well enough to design a proposal that asked rail operators to give up as little as possible while gaining the coordination they needed.

The compromise he eventually brought to the table divided the continental United States into four time zones, each one hour apart, pegged to specific meridians. Eastern, Central, Mountain, Pacific. The boundaries were drawn to follow existing railroad operating regions as closely as practical, which meant they were not perfectly aligned with longitude in every case. They still aren't.

Some city newspapers resisted. Detroit refused to adopt standard time for years. A handful of municipalities held out on principle, arguing that the federal government had not actually mandated anything, which was technically true. Congress had not passed a law. No executive order had been issued. The railroads, as a private industry consortium, had simply decided on the change and implemented it. The rest of the country followed because the railroad schedule was now the most authoritative clock in most people's lives. If your town clock didn't match the station clock, you would miss your train.

November 18, 1883

At noon Eastern Standard Time on November 18, 1883, railroad station clocks across the country were adjusted. Telegraph operators, who were also the communication backbone of rail operations, had coordinated the synchronization. Some stations had to move their clocks forward. Some had to move them back. In a few cities, the adjustment was significant enough that the same afternoon briefly contained two noons, one solar and one standard, about sixteen minutes apart in some cases.

Chicago's adjustment was memorable enough to get newspaper coverage. The city's clocks were moved back nine minutes and thirty-two seconds to align with the new Central time standard. A reporter for the Chicago Tribune noted that two separate stroke-of-noon signals came from different city clocks that day, and that pedestrians near the Board of Trade briefly stopped to figure out which one to trust.

Most people simply reset their watches and continued with their afternoon.

The federal government took another 35 years to formally recognize what the railroads had created. The Standard Time Act of 1918 made the four-zone system law, largely because the First World War had made coordinating national logistics across incompatible regional times an obvious liability. For those 35 years between 1883 and 1918, standard time in the United States was a corporate convention, not a legal one. Society had adopted it, practically and almost entirely, because it was more convenient than the alternative.

What This Actually Changed

The railroad companies were not trying to reshape how Americans experienced their days. They were not, as some later commentators have suggested, attempting to impose industrial discipline on an agrarian population attached to solar rhythms. That interpretation is not entirely wrong, but it reverses the causation. The companies were trying to stop trainsfrom crashing into each other. The larger social consequences came afterward and were largely unplanned.

Once synchronized time existed as infrastructure, other institutions built on top of it. Factory shift schedules became easier to coordinate between sites. Banks in different cities could agree on a common closing hour. Telegraph servicesthat operated nationally needed a single temporal reference for message timestamps. Each of these adaptations reinforced the standard, made defection from it more costly, and gradually turned a railroad scheduling solution into something that felt like a natural feature of reality.

This is how most large infrastructure changes actually settle into a society. Not through a single dramatic moment of adoption, but through accumulated dependency, each new use case making the underlying standard harder to dislodge.

The Inheritance

The time zone structure that Allen's 1883 compromise created has been modified at the edges many times since. International conferences in the late 19th and early 20th centuries extended the logic globally. Individual countries have shifted zones for political reasons. A handful of places use half-hour or quarter-hour offsets that fit awkwardly inside the original framework. China officially observes a single time zone across a landmass that geographically spans five.

But the basic architecture is the same. The world runs on a grid of standardized longitudinal bands, each offset from a reference meridian by a fixed number of hours, the direct descendant of what four railroad companies and one patient industry secretary agreed to in the autumn of 1883.

Standard time, which most people now experience as an unalterable fact of the physical world, is younger than the telephone. The telephone was patented in 1876. Standard time came seven years later. People alive in 1883 had spent their entire lives in a world where every town kept its own time as a matter of course, where the question "what time is it here?" had a genuinely local answer, and where the idea of a single synchronized clock across an entire continent would have seemed either visionary or absurd, depending on who you asked.

That the change happened within a single generation, driven by the operational needs of one industry, and was absorbed so completely that most people today can't name its origin date, says something worth thinking about. Not about railroads specifically. About how quietly the structures that organize daily life get built, and how invisible they become once they work.

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References

Allen, William F. History of the Adoption of Standard Time. American Railway Association, 1884.

Bartky, Ian R. Selling the True Time: Nineteenth-Century Timekeeping in America. Stanford University Press, 2000.

O'Malley, Michael. Keeping Watch: A History of American Time. Viking, 1990.

Prerau, David. Seize the Daylight: The Curious and Contentious Story of Daylight Saving Time. Thunder's Mouth Press, 2005.

The Historical Insights, Why Time Zones Were Created in 1883: https://thehistoricalinsights.page/2026/04/why-time-zones-were-created-1883.html

About the Author: Ali Mujtuba Zaidi is a civil engineering scholar at Jamia Millia Islamia and the lead researcher for The Historical Insights, an independent publication focused on forgotten logistics, historical infrastructure, and systems history.

Che Guevara: Life Before Becoming Che and a Marxist Revolutionary

In the first of three articles we will focus on the life of one of South America’s most famous historical personalities, Ernesto Guevara, who later became more widely known as the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara. He was, and remains, a polemic figure in the political arena, every bit as divisive now as during his time in the Cuban Revolution and the Cold War of the 1960s. He has also become an unlikely fashion icon, his face appearing on millions of T-shirts worn by generation after generation. He has been portrayed on screen by famous actors, most notably Omar Sharif and Benicio Del Toro. His impact and legacy have divided students of history and politics alike, who view him as either a symbol of freedom or an oppressive, communist-driven tyrant. Some laud his achievements; others argue that his legend is largely a construction of propaganda and myth.

Che’s revolutionary period will be covered in a later article, but what of his life before that? We will begin with his formative years, up to the point where he set out on his first extensive travels — the journey made famous in the book “The Motorcycle Diaries.” The young man you will read about below appears very different from the figure who would later accompany Castro in the Cuban Revolution.

Steve Prout explains.

Ernesto Guevara (on the right) and Alberto Granado (left) on the "Mambo-Tango" raft on the Amazon River in 1952.

Early family life

Che Guevara was officially born Ernesto Guevara de la Serna on June 14, 1928 in Argentina. He was in fact born a month earlier, in May, but because his parents were not yet married, they persuaded a family doctor to falsify the birth certificate to spare the family social stigma. He was raised in an upper middle-class family. His father, Ernesto Guevara Lynch, was, like Che, an interesting character in his own right. Politically he leant to the left and took part in various political demonstrations. Che would later admit in his memoirs that he had a “combative” relationship with him. Ernesto Senior was highly educated and trained as an engineer, attending university but never graduating. He was also restless, embarking on a string of risky and largely unsuccessful business ventures: a yacht-building company, several construction businesses and a 500-acre yerba mate plantation on the Rio Paraná in Misiones, near the Argentine border with Paraguay. With few exceptions his ventures failed, leaving the family’s finances in a precarious position.

Che’s mother was Celia de la Serna, and her relationship with Ernesto Senior came with its share of challenges. The couple’s intended union did not, at first, get the approval of Celia’s family, who saw Ernesto Senior as unreliable and unsuitable as a husband. Their misgivings were not helped by Celia’s appeals for access to her inheritance to fund Ernesto’s ventures, which would in time prove ruinous to her own finances. They saw Ernesto Senior as a dilettante lacking genuine intentions. The family eventually gave in after the couple threatened to elope. To add to the drama, what the family did not know was that Celia, still unmarried, was already pregnant with young Ernesto.

Then, in June (officially) — or, more truthfully, May 1928 — young Ernesto, the future Che, was born. From early childhood he was sickly, plagued by asthma, a condition that would trouble him throughout his life. It did not stop him from throwing himself into school sports, often to his own detriment. This was, in fact, his attitude throughout his life: he would push on with whatever path he was on, regardless.

Young Ernesto was an avid reader, working his way through a wide range of genres when he was not throwing himself into physical pursuits ill-suited to an asthmatic, such as rugby. As a pupil he did not particularly stand out: his school grades in 1938, aged nine, were deemed simply “satisfactory”. He was an attention-seeker, often carrying out ridiculous pranks — drinking writing ink, eating chalk, or playing matador with a ram. He also took part in his father’s political demonstrations through the 1930s and 1940s.

When he was eleven years old, young Ernesto became involved in his father’s pressure group, Acción Argentina. According to his father, Che spent “all the free time he had outside his playtime and studies collaborating with us.” What exactly young Ernesto did, and the extent of his involvement, is unclear. The 1930s were a turbulent time in Europe and the Far East, and some of that turbulence reached South America. His father was firmly on the side of the anti-fascist movement, although the organisation itself was largely ineffective; Ernesto only protested at a safe distance, and it gained little traction on any single cause. Its main focus was the fear of Nazi infiltration on the South American continent. Events in the Spanish Civil War also divided Argentine opinion. Ernesto Senior himself was a staunch supporter of the Spanish Republicans against Franco, and later of the Allied cause against the Axis in the Second World War. As far as young Ernesto was concerned, however, he could detach himself from these causes as easily as he had become involved. For now, his interest in politics and political ideals lay deeply dormant.

His father, to quote one authority on Che’s family, had “an inescapable sense of Walter Mitty in him” and “desperately wished for a life of adventure and travelling.” He was full of empty boasts. On one occasion he claimed he would take up arms for Paraguay in the Chaco War with Bolivia (1932–35), but nothing came of it. The same was true of his supposed intention to intervene in the Spanish Civil War.

Ernesto Guevara – the student years

For now, young Ernesto concerned himself with other distractions. He was a voracious reader, and reading consumed much of his free time. His reading material was wide-ranging and advanced for his age, including works by Freud, Dumas and other heavyweight authors. His other passion in his formative years was sport. He joined a rugby team organised by Alberto Granado — an older friend, and his future travelling companion — who at first doubted Ernesto’s physical capability. He was an unlikely pick for a trial: not “robust”, and with “very thin arms”. In this period, young Che’s political activities remained minimal, apart from one incident involving Granado and a brief stint of Nazi-hunting in Argentina.

In November 1943, Alberto was arrested at a student demonstration by Argentina’s new authoritarian regime. General Pedro Ramírez had taken oppressive measures to silence any opposition, and Alberto was part of a growing protest movement. He was quickly thrown into a local jail, where young Ernesto visited him. Alberto, then aged twenty-one, asked Ernesto, then fifteen, to join his cause. Ernesto declined to take part in a march, regarding it as futile; he added that he would only join if he were given a gun, since he considered any other form of protest pointless. His political views were inconsistent, swinging between indifference and a kind of latent extremism. The two friends clearly had their political differences, but it did not harm the friendship.

While young Ernesto kept up his reading and pushed through his asthma with all kinds of sporting challenges, the wider political landscape was shifting. In the post-war period, Juan Perón was making his presence felt in Argentina under President Edelmiro Farrell, whose regime combined suspected Nazi sympathies (it later offered refuge to high-ranking Nazi war criminals) with authoritarian control. Ernesto’s family were anti-Peronist, and young Ernesto adopted the same outlook, continuing his father’s amateur Nazi-hunting with a group of old school friends. His father curiously warned him of the risks, yet Ernesto kept at it — though he “was far short of active militancy”, and his interest soon petered out. The regime remained controversial, but Che himself would later say, “I had no social preoccupations in my adolescence and no participation in the political or student struggles in Argentina.” For now, he had the normal teenage pursuits to occupy him: sport, study and, of course, the opposite sex. His distractions were everywhere except in politics.

Che - philosopher, engineer, medical student, traveller

As the war ended, Ernesto, now eighteen, developed a new interest in writing and philosophy. At one point he even began compiling his own philosophical dictionary, which he intended for publication. The first draft ran to 165 pages, and he would continue working on it over the next ten years. During this period his reading became more varied, and he mixed with a social circle of like-minded people on an intellectual and academic path; he was, in many ways, the quintessential student.

In 1946, as Perón took control of Argentina, Ernesto Jr. turned eighteen. It was a time of mixed personal fortunes. Still apolitical, Ernesto took his first job, although he had not yet finished his studies and intended to go further. His father arranged for him to attend a course in soil analysis, which opened a door into the road-construction business. At that point Ernesto had excelled in mathematics and the sciences and was thinking of a career in engineering. The job was a stop-gap for an undecided teenager; in the meantime, it gave him the money to enjoy his teenage years.

At home things were not so bright. The family had run into financial difficulties: Ernesto Senior had been forced to sell his plantation, and a building business he had entered had failed. With the family finances in a parlous state, they sold off their remaining assets and relocated to Buenos Aires. In the meantime, young Ernesto’s parents decided to separate. While all this was happening, young Ernesto’s grandmother, to whom he was close, died. In his sister’s words, he was so grief-stricken it “must have been one of the great sadnesses of his life.”

Amid all this turmoil, Ernesto decided on another change of career. He abandoned engineering and turned instead to medicine, enrolling at the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Buenos Aires. A number of reasons have been suggested for the switch. One is that he was looking for something meaningful after the helplessness he had felt following his grandmother’s death. Some put it down to his frustration at being unable to cure his own debilitating asthma. Others — more plausibly — trace it to his restless, indecisive temperament. This last reading is supported by his own words: he “dreamed of becoming a famous researcher…of working indefatigably to find something that would be definitively placed at the disposition of humanity”, while elsewhere he spoke of seeking a “personal triumph”. He seemed driven, in part, by ego and a desire for prominence.

Within his university circle, he was considered an oddball, an eccentric who ignored the latest fashions and was often deliberately scruffy in his appearance. He was socially awkward and a clumsy dancer — very different from the combative, confident speaker of his later political years.

In between his studies, in 1950, he tried — unsuccessfully — to set himself up as an entrepreneur, first attempting to manufacture a pesticide and then, with a friend, selling second-hand goods. Despite his intelligence, he lacked any real business acumen. That same year, he made a long solo trip around northern Argentina on a bicycle fitted with a small motor, covering over 2,000 miles before returning to his studies. The trip was largely uneventful, but it gave him a taste for further travel. He still had two years of his degree to complete, but true to form his interest was once again beginning to wane.

Of course, going into every minor detail, every failed adventure, failed relationship and passing observation would bloat this article, dilute its value, and miss the main points. The interest lies in seeing Ernesto Guevara’s life before he became that cultural yet polemic icon. The Che we know was many things by this stage, but he was far from a revolutionary. He was, in fact, an unsettled, erratic and indecisive young man, in a family that was itself anything but settled. Up to this point he had been an aspiring philosopher, engineer, entrepreneur and no doubt many other things; but, much like his father, he was unsuccessful in all of them, largely through loss of interest. Even his political dalliances suffered the same indifferent fate. Young Ernesto wanted more — he just did not yet know what “more” was.

Young Ernesto was about to embark on the first of two great travelling adventures around South America. While the first trip was impactful, the second trip would prove career-defining and was published in book form some years later. For now, young Ernesto had only one expectation from life: to study, travel and enjoy himself. Revolution and politics were the furthest thing from his mind. And so, in January 1952, the journey that became “The Motorcycle Diaries”, with his friend Alberto Granado, began.

What do you think of Che Guevara? Let us know below.

Sources

I Embrace You with All My Revolutionary Fervour – Ernesto Che Guevara – Collected letters 1947-1967 – Penguin Modern Classics

The Motorcycle Diaries – Che Guevara – 1995 -Fourth Estate Paper Backs

Che Guevara – A Revolutionary Life – Jon Lee Anderson – Penguin - 1997

Henry VIII & His Wives: Part 3 — Anne Boleyn: The Catalyst

In the long and turbulent history of the Tudor dynasty, few individuals have left a mark as profound and enduring as Anne Boleyn. Her life unfolded against the glittering but dangerous backdrop of the court of Henry VIII, a world governed by ambition, ceremony, dynastic anxiety, and political calculation. To her enemies, she was a scheming temptress who destroyed England's unity for personal advancement. To her supporters, she was intelligent, cultured, reform-minded, and tragically misunderstood. Historians continue to debate her motives and character, yet there is little disagreement about her impact. Anne Boleyn became the catalyst for one of the most significant transformations in English history: the break with Rome, the birth of the English Reformation, and the reshaping of the monarchy itself.

Terry Bailey explains.

Read part 1 on King Henry VIII here, and part 2 on Catherine of Aragon here.

King Henry and Anne Boleyn Deer shooting in Windsor Forest by William Powell Frith , c1903.

When Anne emerged at court in the 1520s, England was still officially Catholic, loyal to the authority of the Pope, and outwardly stable beneath the rule of Henry VIII. The king was admired throughout Europe as the embodiment of the Renaissance prince. Athletic, educated, musically talented, and politically ambitious, Henry projected the image of a powerful monarch whose dynasty seemed secure. Yet beneath the splendor of the Tudor court lay a dangerous uncertainty. Henry's marriage to Catherine of Aragon had produced no surviving male heir. In a kingdom still haunted by the destructive memory of the Wars of the Roses, the absence of a prince threatened political instability and potential civil conflict. The survival of the Tudor line depended upon succession, and succession depended upon sons.

In Tudor England, marriage was never simply personal. Royal marriages were instruments of diplomacy, political alliance, and dynastic preservation. Queens were expected to embody virtue, loyalty, and obedience while fulfilling their most critical function: producing heirs. The pressure upon Catherine of Aragon became immense as pregnancies ended in tragedy and infant sons died young. Henry, increasingly fearful that God had cursed his marriage, began searching for both a solution and a justification. Into this atmosphere stepped Anne Boleyn.

Anne was born around 1501 into the ambitious Boleyn family, daughter of Thomas Boleyn and Elizabeth Howard. Although not of royal blood, the Boleyns were politically connected and eager to rise higher within Tudor society. Anne's upbringing differed significantly from that of many English noblewomen. Sent abroad at a young age, she spent years in the sophisticated courts of the Netherlands and France, where she received an education shaped by Renaissance culture. She learned French fluently, studied music and literature, developed refined courtly manners, and absorbed continental ideas about politics, religion, and humanism. These experiences gave Anne a cosmopolitan confidence that distinguished her sharply from many women at the English court.

The French court especially transformed her. Under the influence of figures such as Margaret of Austria and later Claude of France, Anne encountered a world where elegance, intellect, and political awareness were deeply valued. Unlike the passive image often expected of noblewomen in England, Anne developed a reputation for wit, conversation, and sharp intelligence. She was not considered a conventional beauty by the standards of the age, but contemporaries repeatedly described her charisma, dark eyes, expressive personality, and magnetic presence. She possessed something perhaps more dangerous than beauty alone: influence.

Upon returning to England, Anne entered the household of Catherine of Aragon. At court she quickly attracted attention. Men admired her sophistication and lively personality, while women copied her fashions and mannerisms. Among those captivated by Anne was Henry VIII himself. Initially, however, Anne refused to become the king's mistress. This decision altered the course of English history.

Henry had already pursued relationships outside marriage, including an affair with Anne's sister, Mary Boleyn. Yet Anne proved different. Whether motivated by personal conviction, ambition, or political calculation, she insisted that only marriage would secure her surrender to the king's desires. Henry's attraction deepened into obsession. He wrote Anne passionate letters expressing longing, frustration, and devotion, revealing a monarch increasingly consumed by personal desire and dynastic desperation. What began as a courtly romance soon evolved into a political crisis that would engulf England itself.

Henry's determination to marry Anne required the annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. The king argued that his union with Catherine violated biblical law because she had previously been married to his late brother, Arthur Tudor. Henry cited passages from Leviticus suggesting that such a marriage was cursed with childlessness. Yet Catherine fiercely denied that her first marriage had ever been consummated, and she refused to accept the annulment quietly. The dispute dragged on for years.

The situation became entangled in European politics. Catherine's nephew was the immensely powerful Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, whose armies had recently dominated much of Europe. The Pope, effectively constrained by imperial influence, hesitated to grant Henry's request. What Henry had hoped would be a relatively straightforward legal matter became a humiliating diplomatic deadlock. The king grew increasingly frustrated with the papacy and with the limitations that Rome placed upon his authority.

During these years Anne Boleyn's influence expanded dramatically. She was no passive observer of events. Anne surrounded herself with scholars, reformers, and intellectuals interested in religious renewal and critical of papal authority. She read works associated with emerging Protestant thought and encouraged the circulation of reformist texts at court. Among the ideas gaining ground was the belief that monarchs should exercise authority over their own national churches without interference from Rome.

Anne's precise theological beliefs remain debated by historians, but there is strong evidence that she sympathized with reformist ideas. She supported vernacular translations of the Bible and patronized scholars who promoted scriptural study. In this sense, Anne became intertwined with the wider religious upheaval spreading across Europe in the wake of Martin Luther and the Protestant Reformation. Yet in England religion and politics became inseparable. Henry's marital crisis was not merely spiritual; it was dynastic and constitutional. Anne's rise helped accelerate a transformation that would permanently alter England's religious identity.

The king increasingly embraced the argument that his authority derived directly from God rather than through papal mediation. Assisted by advisers such as Thomas Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer, Henry began dismantling papal authority in England. Parliamentary acts gradually severed ties with Rome, culminating in the declaration that the king was the Supreme Head of the Church of England. The English Reformation had begun.

This transformation represented one of the greatest turning points in English history. For centuries the Catholic Church had dominated religious, social, and political life. Monasteries controlled immense wealth and land, while Rome exercised spiritual authority across Christendom. Henry's break with Rome changed this balance forever. The Crown gained unprecedented control over religion, church property, and ecclesiastical appointments. Religion became both cause and consequence of Henry's marriage to Anne Boleyn.

Anne and Henry married secretly in late 1532, likely because Anne was already pregnant. In January 1533 the marriage became public, and later that year Thomas Cranmer formally declared Henry's marriage to Catherine invalid. Anne was crowned queen in a magnificent coronation ceremony at Westminster Abbey. The event was designed to project legitimacy, splendor, and divine approval. Lavish pageantry filled the streets of London as Anne processed toward her coronation surrounded by nobles, banners, musicians, and elaborate symbolism celebrating the future Tudor heir.

Yet beneath the grandeur lay deep division. Many ordinary people still regarded Catherine of Aragon as the rightful queen. Anne was widely blamed for England's religious upheaval and for the king's treatment of Catherine. Hostility toward the new queen simmered constantly. Tudor politics was intensely personal, and public opinion mattered more than rulers sometimes realized. Anne's position remained insecure because her authority depended entirely upon Henry's favor and her ability to produce a male heir.

In September 1533 Anne gave birth at the Palace of Placentia not to a son, but to a daughter: Elizabeth I. Henry attempted to conceal his disappointment, and elaborate plans for a prince's celebration were hastily altered for the arrival of a princess. Yet the birth of Elizabeth would ultimately prove one of the most consequential events in English history. The child who disappointed her father would later become one of England's greatest monarchs.

At the time, however, Anne's failure to produce a son placed her in a dangerously familiar position. Several pregnancies ended in miscarriage or stillbirth. The pressure upon queens in Tudor England was relentless. Their political value depended largely upon fertility and the production of male heirs. As Anne struggled with repeated losses, Henry's affection began to fade. Meanwhile, the king was growing increasingly attracted to Jane Seymour, a quiet and traditionally submissive court lady who contrasted sharply with Anne's outspoken personality.

Anne's sharp intelligence and political engagement, once attractive to Henry, now increasingly irritated him. She involved herself in matters of religion and patronage, argued fiercely, and challenged powerful men at court. Her enemies multiplied rapidly. Conservative nobles hated her reformist sympathies, while others feared the growing influence of the Boleyn faction. Even Thomas Cromwell, once her ally in advancing the Reformation, became her opponent amid disagreements over foreign policy and the distribution of monastic wealth seized by the Crown.

The atmosphere at court in 1536 became increasingly sinister. Following another miscarriage, reportedly of a male fetus, Henry's patience appears to have collapsed. Anne's enemies moved swiftly. In May 1536 she was arrested and charged with adultery, incest, and treason. The accusations claimed that Anne had conducted affairs with several men, including musicians, courtiers, and even her own brother, George Boleyn.

Most modern historians regard the charges as politically motivated fabrications or gross distortions. The evidence presented at trial was weak, contradictory, and in some cases impossible chronologically. Yet Tudor justice rarely protected those who had fallen from royal favor. Anne was imprisoned within the Tower of London, the same fortress through which she had once passed triumphantly before her coronation.

Her trial was a carefully orchestrated spectacle. Surrounded by hostile nobles and abandoned by many former supporters, Anne defended herself with intelligence and composure. Nevertheless, conviction was inevitable. She was condemned to death alongside the accused men, including her brother George. Henry VIII, the man who had once shattered England's religious unity to marry her, now sanctioned her destruction.

On the 19th May of 1536, Anne Boleyn was executed inside the Tower of London by a specially summoned French swordsman, considered more skillful and merciful than an English axeman. Contemporary witnesses described her final moments as calm and dignified. She proclaimed loyalty to the king even as she prepared for death. With a single stroke, her extraordinary rise ended.

Only eleven days later Henry became engaged to Jane Seymour.

Yet Anne Boleyn's influence did not die with her. In many respects, her true legacy was only beginning. Through her daughter Elizabeth, Anne became the maternal force behind one of the most celebrated reigns in English history. Under Elizabeth I, England emerged as a major Protestant power. The defeat of the Spanish Armada, the flourishing of literature and theatre, overseas exploration, and the strengthening of national identity all unfolded during Elizabeth's reign. Ironically, the daughter Henry once viewed as a disappointment secured the Tudor dynasty's greatest glory.

Anne's wider historical impact extended far beyond motherhood. Her relationship with Henry accelerated the English Reformation and permanently weakened papal authority in England. The redistribution of monastic lands transformed the economy and strengthened the Crown. Religious divisions unleashed during this period would shape English politics for generations, contributing to future conflicts, persecutions, and ideological struggles. England's evolving Protestant identity became central to its national development.

Anne also remains one of the clearest examples of the dangerous relationship between gender and power in Tudor England. She rose to extraordinary prominence in a political culture dominated by men, but her position depended almost entirely upon royal favor and reproductive success. Her downfall demonstrated how quickly women could become scapegoats within systems designed to preserve male authority. Anne's intelligence and political engagement made her influential, but also vulnerable. She challenged expectations of female silence and obedience in ways that fascinated supporters and alarmed enemies alike.

Within the broader narrative of Henry VIII's reign, Anne Boleyn marks a decisive turning point in the king's evolution. The charming and idealistic Renaissance prince of the early Tudor court increasingly transformed into a ruler capable of extraordinary ruthlessness. Through his pursuit of Anne, Henry broke with Rome, centralized royal power, and redefined the English monarchy. Through his destruction of Anne, he revealed the darker consequences of absolute authority.

Anne Boleyn's life therefore transcends romance, scandal, and tragedy. She stood at the center of a revolution that reshaped England politically, religiously, and culturally. Her rise revealed the intoxicating possibilities of influence at the Tudor court, while her fall exposed the terrifying fragility of power. Queen, reformist symbol, political casualty, and mother of Elizabeth I, Anne Boleyn remains one of the most consequential women in English history — a catalyst whose legacy transformed a kingdom and altered the future of the English-speaking world forever.

Anne Boleyn's story endures because it represents far more than the dramatic rise and fall of a queen at the Tudor court. Her life became inseparably bound to one of the greatest transformations in English history, a transformation that reshaped religion, monarchy, politics, and national identity for centuries to come. Few individuals have stood so directly at the intersection of personal ambition and historical revolution. What began as Henry VIII's desire for a new marriage ultimately evolved into a constitutional and religious upheaval that permanently altered the course of England and, by extension, the future of the English-speaking world.

Anne herself remains a figure of remarkable complexity. She was neither the purely innocent martyr imagined by some later Protestant writers nor the manipulative seductress portrayed by her Catholic enemies. Instead, she emerged from the volatile environment of Renaissance Europe as an intelligent, educated, politically aware woman whose ambition and influence challenged the traditional expectations imposed upon women in Tudor society. Her charisma, confidence, and reformist sympathies helped elevate her to unprecedented prominence, yet those same qualities also contributed to the hostility and suspicion that surrounded her. In a court governed by factional rivalry and royal favor, Anne's position was always precarious, dependent not only upon Henry's affection but upon her ability to fulfil the dynastic demands placed upon queens.

The tragedy of Anne Boleyn lies partly in the brutal irony of her fate. Henry VIII shattered England's centuries-old relationship with Rome to marry her, only to later destroy her when she failed to provide the son he desired. Her execution demonstrated the terrifying extent of Tudor royal power and revealed how quickly political favor could turn into deadly condemnation. Yet although her enemies succeeded in removing her physically, they could not erase the consequences of her existence. The religious changes accelerated during her rise continued long after her death, and her daughter Elizabeth would eventually vindicate Anne's legacy in ways that neither supporters nor enemies could have fully imagined.

Under Elizabeth I, England experienced a cultural and political flowering that secured the Tudor dynasty's place in history. The Protestant settlement, the defeat of the Spanish Armada, the expansion of English influence overseas, and the flourishing of literature and theatre all emerged from the world that developed in part through Anne Boleyn's rise and Henry's break with Rome. The daughter whose birth disappointed Henry VIII ultimately became the monarch who brought stability, prestige, and enduring strength to England. In this sense, Anne's greatest contribution to history may not have been her queenship, but the legacy carried forward through Elizabeth's reign.

Anne Boleyn also remains historically significant because her life continues to illuminate broader themes of power, gender, religion, and political transformation. Her experiences reveal the dangerous realities faced by women who exercised influence in male-dominated systems of authority. They expose the fragile nature of political survival in autocratic courts where reputation, fertility, and royal favor determined life or death. At the same time, Anne's story reflects the wider turbulence of sixteenth-century Europe, an era when religious reform, emerging national monarchies, and Renaissance ideas were reshaping the foundations of society itself.

More than four centuries after her death within the walls of the Tower of London, Anne Boleyn continues to fascinate because she cannot be reduced to a single interpretation. She was ambitious yet vulnerable, influential yet politically exposed, celebrated yet deeply hated. Her life combined romance, religion, tragedy, and revolution in a manner few historical figures can equal. Whether viewed as a reformist heroine, political victim, or catalyst of dynastic crisis, Anne Boleyn occupies a unique place in history. Her rise transformed a kingdom, her fall exposed the cruelty of Tudor power, and her legacy endured through the daughter who would lead England into one of its most defining ages.

Noe read part 4 on Jane Seymour here.

London In Miniature? The Royal Family’s Visits to Philadelphia

What did William Penn and Benjamin Franklin have in common? One key commonality would be their vision for Philadelphia. The center of global commerce and trade in the new world by the 18th century — Philadelphia’s future was limitless. Both men saw the importance of the city to North America and the growth of Philadelphia into a major metropolis. Both saw the opportunity of its importance to the world.

And here Michael Thomas Leibrandt looks at the Royal Family in Philadelphia.

President Donald J. Trump and First Lady Melania Trump with King Charles III and Queen Camilla of the in the the White House before a State Dinner. April 28, 2026. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

After King Charles and Queen Camilla took a historic overseas four-day trip in April 2026 — it’s yet another chapter in the story of the British Monarchy visiting the land that they once lost. Fifty years ago — King Charles’ mother and father (Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Phillip) arrived at Penn’s Landing for the Bicentennial Celebration in Philadelphia. They toured the sites where American Independence was born in opposition to King George III. It was the first time that a British Monarch had set foot in Philadelphia. 

Even with all of its importance on the world stage in the 1600s and 1700s — King Charles II had granted William Penn the land to build Philadelphia in 1681 — Charles never visited the colonies. Neither did his nephew — King George III — who never even set foot on what would become American soil.

Not long before the start of the American Civil War in 1860, the British Prince of Wales visited Philadelphia. He would plant a tree at Girard College — and was the center of massive attention wherever he went. The visit was commemorated 150 years later. Nearly four decades later — he would become King Edward VII. 

Another Prince of Wales would visit Philadelphia one hundred and forty-seven years later — when Prince Charles arrived. Some thirty-one years after his mother and father came to celebrate America’s 200th Anniversary — something unthinkable in 18th century Britain — the Prince toured the Liberty Bell, attended a white-tie gala, and celebrated the 150th Anniversary of the Academy of Music. He even took time to see mural arts in the City and to meet with the students of International House. Queen Camilla even saw the crack in the Liberty Bell.

Philadelphia never did quite become as influential as the capital of the British Empire. What it did become — as evidence of the throngs of visitors who are visiting the City this year to see where American Independence was formed — was one of the world’s most significant. Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Phillip brought a gift with them to Philadelphia in 1976. It was a Centennial Bell that celebrates the bond between the people of America and England. It still stands on display in Philadelphia to this day.

Michael Thomas Leibrandt lives and works in Abington Township, PA.

The History of the German Colonial Empire Before World War 1

The 19th and the early 20th century were characterized by the major powers of Europe possessing massive, worldwide colonial empires. Often, when people think of colonial powers, popular imagery depicts the British Empire, one of the largest in history, or the French Empire. But as many empires rise and dominate, many more are short-lived but equally as impactful, with one such being the colonial empire of Germany from 1871, when the nation was unified, to the 1stWorld War.

Harrison West explains.

Four German soldiers in a camel patrol in German South West Africa. Attribution: Bundesarchiv, Bild 105-DSWA0095 / Walther Dobbertin / CC-BY-SA 3.0, available here.

The German Empire

Germany lies at the center of Europe, rich in culture and dense history going back to Neolithic settlers thousands of years ago. At the turn of the 20th century, Germany was a constitutional monarchy under the leadership of Kaiser Wilhelm II, with Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg leading the executive, and the parliament (the Reichstag), having limited power. The state capital was Berlin, with cities like Hamburg, Dresden, Cologne and more being large hubs of industry. By 1914, the German Empire was the largest economic power in all of Europe, ahead of nations like Britain in world trade, and becoming a dominant player in the global export of steel and electrical equipment. The empire was one of Europe’s fastest-growing nations, with major population increases, urbanization, and being a leader in the manufacturing of chemicals, pharmaceuticals, and electrical engineering. On the downside, industrial workers faced restricted political rights, leading many to support socialist parties. And internationally, a system of alliances had isolated the country, with poor relations with France, Russia and Britain, but it did have allies in the form of Austria-Hungary, and Germany was pursuing global expansion to secure national prestige, economic resources, and geopolitical power. Another reason was to rival that of the British and the French. Officially proclaimed in the 1880s, by 1914, the German Colonial Empire spanned from the rainforests of Cameroon to the small islands, like Samoa and the Marshalls, deep in the Pacific Ocean.

Colonial administration of the colonies was through either direct decrees from the Kaiser, or, if not imperial, cases could be issued by the Colonial Office, and then the Reichstag could issue laws regarding Germans. Colonial organization and self-governance depending on the influence of the colony.

African Colonies

Kamerun

Kamerun was a protectorate in central Africa, under the leadership of Governor Karl Ebermaier; its territory spans over modern-day Cameroon, Nigeria, Chad, the Central African Republic, Gabon and Congo. The protectorate was first established in August 1884 after German explorers signed a treaty with local chiefs in the region during the scramble for Africa. Over time, the colonial capital shifted three times, with Jaunde (present-day Yaoundé) serving as the capital by 1914. The colony’s main exports were rubber, palm oil, palm kernels, cocoa, and bananas, produced through cash-crop plantations that relied on forced and harsh labor. The infrastructure of the colony comprised two major railways, which the colony relied heavily on as road construction was minimal, and ports such as Duala, with the colonial population being 4.645 million by 1912. Military-wise, there was the Schutztruppe (protection troops), which comprised 1,855 men—mostly Africans soldiers led by German officers—and 1,530 armed police. Inside the colony, German was the official language, but Basaa, Beti, Duala, and other local languages were common. Many local communities fiercely protected their sovereignty, leading to various forms of resistance against the Germans.

Togoland

Togoland was a protectorate in West Africa, at the time under the leadership of Duke Adolf Friedrich of Mecklenburg, from 1912 until August 1914, when Hans Georg von Doering became acting governor. This colony spans modern-day Ghana and Togo, with this colony first being established in the same year as Kamerun, by the same method, during the scramble for Africa. Similar to Kamerun, the colonial capital also shifted three times over the course of its history, with Lomé being the capital since 1897, and considered one of the prettiest cities in West Africa at the time. This colony mainly exported similar goods as Kamerun, but also cotton and coffee, with efforts to make Togoland a cotton-producing hub, but it failed to meet Germany’s needs, and the plantations for these goods were also cash crops manned by forced laborers. Regarding infrastructure, Tongoland possessed three major railway lines connecting Lomé to the colony’s interior, with the capital also being the principal port. The population of the colony was estimated to have numbered roughly 920,000, with the official language being German, but local languages like Ewe, Kotokoli and Kabye were also common, and other European languages such as French and English were used as a trade language. A small police force numbering 1,500 by 1914 was stationed to protect the colony, with this force mainly comprising Africans and very few Germans. Life in the colony varied with traditional structures, beliefs, and practices remaining central to the lives of many, with some local resistance rising to combat the harsh colonial treatment of the Germans.

German East Africa

German East Africa that spans over what is now the modern-day African nations of Tanzania, Kenya, Burundi and Rwanda. By 1914, the colony was under the leadership of Governor Heinrich Schnee, with the colonial capital being the city of Dar es Salaam in present-day Tanzania. The colony was established in 1885 during the scramble for Africa via treaties with local chiefs and sending warships to cement claims against the Sultan of Zanzibar. The main exports of this colony include Sisal, which was the largest source of income for plantations, coffee, rubber and other agricultural products like hides and oil seeds. The majority of these goods were sold to places like Britain and Australia, with only some being shipped back to the German homeland. The main backbone for transportation in the colony was railways, with two main lines, one connecting the capital to the coast, whilst the other connected the ports to the highlands. Roads were present, but mainly used for administrative needs, rather than for the general public. The population of the colony was around 7.7  million, with German being the official language, but many local languages, like Arabic, Swahili and Kirundi, were also commonly spoken. For defense, the Schutztruppe numbered 14,700 men in strength, with 3,000 of them being Europeans. Similar to Togoland, life here was a mixture of traditional, native practices and culture, and brutal German colonial control that prioritized the establishment of cash crops.

German South West Africa

German South West Africa (modern-day Namibia) was the final German colony on the African continent for their overseas colonial empire. The Germans had a presence there as early as 1883, leading to the establishment of a protectorate the next year to prevent British encroachment. By 1914, the governor of the colony was Theodor Seitz, with the colonial capital being Windhuk. The main exports of this colony were diamonds, copper, hides and produce coming from cattle. The transport for this was done by railways, the backbone of transportation infrastructure in the German colonies in Africa, as we have seen, with these rails connecting the interior to ports along the coast. The total population of the colony by 1914 was around as much as 200,000, with the majority being native Africans, and the official language was German, with local languages like Afrikaans and Khoekhoegowab also being commonly spoken. Life in this colony varied, with the indigenous people facing dispossession, forced labor, and genocide, which even led to a genocide in 1904 after an uprising against German authorities. Meanwhile, for German settlers, life was mixed, with settlers celebrating traditional German holidays, including beer and bratwurst culture, but life was often harsh, forcing many to take up many trades. By 1914, the colonial defenses comprised 3,000 soldiers of the Schutztruppe and 6,000  reservists.

Pacific & Asian Colonies

German New Guinea

Moving beyond the lands of Africa, we have the vast Pacific islands, starting with German New Guinea. The Germans claimed the territory in 1884, partly to challenge British interests in the Pacific, and it was originally administered by the  New Guinea Company until 1899, when the state took over control. This territory included the northeastern part of the island (Kaiser-Wilhelmsland), the Bismarck Archipelago, the islands of Buka and Bougainville in the northern parts of the Solomon Islands chain, Palau, the Caroline Islands, Nauru, the Mariana Islands & the Marshall Islands. Regarding the land beyond New Guinea, the Solomons & Bismarck’s, those were bought from the Spanish in the late 1800s. By 1914, the colony was under the administration of Eduard Haber, with the colonial capital being Simpsonhafen (present-day Rabaul) on the island of New Pomerania (New Britain). The main export commodities of this colony were copra, rubber and other products grown in plantations, along with minerals like copper and phosphates. Infrastructure varied tremendously throughout the islands, with a main focus on maritime transportation to trading ports along the coast, but due to the tropical and mountainous environment of New Guinea, road infrastructure was very limited.

By 1914, the population of the colony numbered around 600,000, with the majority being native people, and a fraction being Asian or European, with the official language being German, but Papuan and Austronesian languages were also common in the vast islands. Life amongst the colony varied, with the Germans heavily enforcing plantation expansion, forcing local inhabitants into labor, with coastal and island settlements experiencing some development, European presence remained limited, especially in the interior of New Guinea. German New Guinea itself was defended by a light force of 240 Melanesian Polizeitruppe and 61 German officers, all cantered around protecting Simpsonhafen.

German Samoa

German Samoa was the farthest extent of the German colonial empire, comprising modern-day Samoa; it was nearly double the distance from Germany itself compared to German South West Africa (Namibia). This territory was acquired at the turn of the century, after a civil war saw the Samoan islands divided up between the Germans and the Americans (the British were initially interested but withdrew). By 1914, the colonial capital was Apia on Upolu Island, with the protectorate being under the leadership of Erich Schultz-Ewerth. Similar to New Guinea, the main export was coconut products coming from plantations, with cocoa and rubber also being cultivated and exported as well. German Samoa was considered one of the most well-developed German colonies in the Pacific, allowing the colony to become nearly self-sufficient, with the Telefunken Railway connecting the capital's harbor to Mount Vaea and some roads. By 1914, the population was estimated to be just over 40,000, the large majority of those being Samoans, with German being the official language, but native Samoan was also widely spoken. The Germans co-operated with local chiefs, with the Germans respecting Samoan customs and culture, although they banned activities like gambling. For colonial defense, the islands had an extremely small force of  50 ceremonial guardsmen and an equally small volunteer force.

Kiautschou Bay Leased Territory

The final possession of the German colonial empire was a leased territory in eastern China, established following a military occupation of parts of the Shandong province around the port of Tsingtau (Qingdao), and the signing of a treaty with the Qing securing a 99-year lease for a naval coaling station and economic exploitation in 1898. By 1914, the leased territory was under the administration of Vice Admiral Alfred Meyer-Waldeck, with the capital being the port of Tsingtau. The main export goods of this territory were mostly agricultural products like soy and sesame, but beyond that, coal was also exported widely as well.

Being a vital port for the Germans in the region, the territory’s deep-water port was well built, with a smaller harbor for commercial shipping also being present, a shipyard and dry docks. As well as the Tsingtao-Jinan railway line, which linked the deep-water harbor to the interior of the Shandong province, and lastly, paved and wide streets that are often compared to those in German cities. By 1914, the population was around 200,000, the large majority being Chinese, whilst only a handful of Germans. Life and culture in this territory were characterized by the mixing of Bavarian-style buildings and Western-style services, with Chinese culture, customs and language, similar to the situation in Samoa, even serving as a safe haven for those trying to escape the Boxer Rebellion in 1911. In defense of the territory was the German Navy (Kaiserliche Marine) East Asia Squadron with a few ships and a small garrison force.

The End of Germany’s Empire

Now, to answer the question, what happened to them? And to summarize, when World War 1 began, each one of the German overseas territories and protectorates found themselves occupied by the Entente. Germany’s African colonies were conquered by the British and the French (with Belgian assistance), the Kiautschou Bay Leased Territory was besieged and occupied by the Japanese until the 20s when it was returned to China, Samoa surrendered quickly to New Zealand, Australia occupied German New Guinea, and the Pacific Islands went to Japan as a mandate. The signing of the Treaty of Versailles marked the official end of the German Empire.

With the benefit of hindsight, Germany's attempt at colonialism was poorly handled. Despite holding vast territories across the globe, colonies were managed to benefit a tiny minority of German settlers, while indigenous populations were treated as subordinate. Colonial rule relied on forced labor, was poorly managed, and colonies were not economically successful, providing low returns and often requiring significant state funding for infrastructure and military control.

Interested in European colonialism? Now read about France’s role in Algeria here.

Sources

1.     Michael Stuermer, 2013, THE GERMAN EMPIRE 1871 - 1919, book

2.     James Hawes, 2018, The Shortest History of Germany, book

3.     Helmut Walser Smith, 2020, Germany A Nation in Its Time: Before, During, and After Nationalism, book

The War of the Breton Succession and the Rise of the English

The War of the Breton Succession or the Breton War of Succession (1341–1365) was a war over the succession of the Dukes of Brittany, north-western France, that lasted for over twenty years. The war was a major conflict in the long Hundred Years’ War, which drove both France and England into a fight for survival and a contest for supremacy in Western Europe. Talia Bega explains - and here looks at the rise of the English.

Part 1 on the origins of the war is here.

A depiction of the coronation of Philip VI of France.

1341, the Year that Changed Everything

The Hundred Years’ War (1337–1453) was waged by Edward III of England, who pressed his claim to the throne of France after the death of his uncle Charles IV in 1328, the last direct Capetian. The English fought to recover and expand the territories their Angevin predecessors had held in France in the twelfth century. The war brought bloody campaigns on multiple fronts and devastated large parts of the French countryside. However, it was not just about the French throne; it also intersected with internal conflicts in France. In 1341, John III, Duke of Brittany (1286–1341), died, leaving a crisis over who would succeed him. This was not just a problem of succession but a source of wider chaos, especially for France and England during the Hundred Years’ War.

The dukes of Brittany were important in French politics, serving as a basis for stability in the French realm. After John's death, there was widespread anxiety over who should become the next duke. Two candidates emerged, each backed by one of the rival kingdoms. On the French side stood Charles of Blois, who had married the late duke’s niece, Joan of Penthièvre. Joan was the daughter of the late duke’s younger full brother, Guy, Count of Penthièvre, making him one of the most plausible heirs. But this was not the only option. Whenever a dispute opened up in France, the English were rarely far away. The English backed John of Montfort, the late duke’s younger half-brother, born of their father Arthur II’s second marriage to Yolande de Dreux. Both sides knew where their candidate stood; what remained was to see whose claim could prevail.

A Truce that Turns the Tide

France and England were at peace with the Truce of Espléchin, which had been signed in 1340 and ran until the summer of 1341. The truce followed the failed English siege of Tournai, after which Pope Benedict XII asked Edward’s mother-in-law, Jeanne of Valois (who was also Philip VI’s sister), to mediate. The English would not attack France for nine months over the period. It was soon overtaken by events in the Breton War of Succession.  

The treaty allowed both sides to gather numerous troops and to rethink a new plan, especially as France faced a challenge from its own people to an increase in debt after constant battles with the English.  After the death of the Duke of Brittany, the violation of the treaty occurred as the English came to support John of Montfort. However, at the time, many of the nobility supported Charles, causing a wide division. Even though John had arguably the stronger legal claim, the French king, Philip VI, preferred Charles, who was well known and well-connected among the French aristocracy. John saw that the matter would not resolve itself in his favor, and he made other plans. Encouraged by his wife, he moved on the capital of the duchy, Nantes, after the funeral of the late duke, and took control of the treasury.

John’s aim was to seize as much of the duchy as possible and force the king of France to confirm him as duke. He pressed on to Rennes and took it without serious opposition. Still, his position had weaknesses: much of his support came from the lower classes and the towns, while most of the nobility continued to favor Charles. By the end of 1341, much of eastern Brittany was in John’s hands, bringing him closer to the ducal title. He also had the backing of Edward III, who pursued his own claim to the French throne. With Edward behind John and Philip behind Charles, any prospect of a negotiated settlement was vanishingly small.

A Spark of a New War

In September 1341, the French Court of Peers at Conflans, summoned by Philip VI, ruled in favor of Charles, with John of Montfort called as a witness. On September 7, Charles was formally recognized as the new duke. As Charles took up his duchy, he faced military pressure from several directions, and the situation in Brittany remained volatile. Philip also wanted to absorb the duchy into the French royal domain as a province, although the terms of the recent truce restricted what he could do openly. Edward, for his part, was furious that events were running against him and decided to resume the war. He saw Brittany as a useful foothold for English forces, and a Montfort duke would strengthen the English position in France.

Aware of the growing English threat, Charles secured the king’s help and a force of more than 7,000 troops was dispatched to defend the duchy against any invasion or siege. It was led by the future king of France, John, Duke of Normandy. Montfort saw the large army approach and rallied whatever fighters he could muster. Heavily outnumbered, his forces were defeated, and the French took Champtoceaux. John had no choice but to retreat to Nantes, where he soon surrendered to the duke of Normandy after a long blockade during which the French broke into the town. Philip had John escorted back to Paris and once again pressed him to drop his claim. What Philip did not know was that John’s wife was already working to bring English forces across the Channel and widen the war.

The west of Brittany still held out for the Montfort cause, but with John captive, time was running short. This was not only a struggle for power, but also a contest of wills between two powerful realms. John’s wife, Joanna of Flanders, fought hard to keep her husband’s claim alive. So too did Charles’ wife, Joan of Penthièvre — a rivalry that gave the conflict its other name, the War of the Two Joans. These events have rarely received the attention they deserve, yet they reveal how local successions could feed into the larger Anglo-French struggle, with the outcome only settled more than twenty years later.

A reminder that Part 1 on the origins of the war is here.

References

GRAHAM-GOERING, E. (2021). Princely power in late medieval France: Jeanne de Penthievre and the war for Brittany. CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS.

Sumption, J. (1991). The Hundred Years War. University of Pennsylvania Press.