Catherine of Aragon, King Henry VIII's first and longest-serving wife, faced numerous challenges throughout her life, battling for her reputation from a young age until her final days. Her unwavering fortitude is strikingly evident when examining her surviving portraits.

What can portraits of the incredible Queen of England, Catherine of Aragon, tell us about her? Kateryna Dronova explains.

Young Catherine: Glimpses from Early Portraits

The Virgin and Child, by Michael Sittow c. 1515-1518. Source:  Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Gemäldegaleri, https://recherche.smb.museum/detail/829489

 

Catherine of Aragon, the youngest child of the renowned Spanish monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella, was born into a world where strategic marriages were crucial for securing dynastic power. Named after her great-grandmother Katherine of Lancaster, she received a comprehensive education in governance, religion, and diplomacy, preparing her for a significant role in the interconnected European landscape.

Growing up in the royal court, Catherine witnessed pivotal historical events, such as the fall of Granada in 1492, which marked the end of the Reconquista and solidified Spain's dominance under Christian rule. Constantly on the move with her parents and sisters, the itinerant nature of the court was driven by a mix of practical considerations and the need to maintain control over a still-fragmented Spain. This upbringing instilled in Catherine a deep understanding of the complexities of ruling a kingdom and navigating the shifting political landscapes of her time.

In March 1488, a significant diplomatic effort took place between England and Spain, led by Rodrigo de Puebla, the Spanish ambassador to England. The goal was to strengthen the relationship between the two kingdoms and change the political landscape of late 15th-century Europe. The primary objective was for Henry VII's eldest son, Arthur, to marry Catherine of Aragon. Negotiations for this marriage had been ongoing, with Isabella determined to ensure a secure future for her daughter.

In 1493, when Catherine was just seven years old, it was decided that she would go to England. In 1497, Henry VII sent her a "blessed ring" as a sign of his affection.

Catherine of Aragon as the Magdalene by Michel Sittow, c. 1468 - 1525 or 1526 Source: Detroit Institute of Arts. https://dia.org/collection/catherine-aragon-magdalene-61540

 

Young Catherine indeed arrived in England as planned, but after marrying Arthur, she faced tragedy when he passed away just five months after their wedding in 1502. She was only 16 at the time, found herself a widow, and her future became uncertain. Despite the circumstances, she maintained that her marriage to Arthur was never consummated, a claim she upheld throughout her life.   

While her portrait from that period wasn't particularly significant for her propaganda, Catherine's acute awareness of the power of visual representation in asserting her position is evident in her portraits. These images exude dignity and sorrow.  Additionally, her unwavering commitment to her Catholic faith was a fundamental aspect of her identity throughout her life. All this likely motivated her decision to portray herself in biblical themes, such as Mary Magdalene, to underscore purity, holiness, and her steadfast religious convictions.   

Notably, her two early portraits, attributed to the Spanish artist Miguel Sittow, are believed to depict her, aligning well with her narrative as a devout Catholic and a symbol of purity. These portraits are instrumental in presenting Catherine as a pure and virginal future bride.

The Virgin and Child, and Catherine of Aragon as the Magdalene by Michael Sittow.

 

This portrait reveals similarities between the depictions of Catherine as Mary Magdalene and the Virgin Mary, also by Michael Sittow, suggesting a shared model for both.

The identity of the model in these portraits remains a subject of discussion. Some suggest it could be Catherine, her sister, or their mother, Isabella I of Castile.

If its Cathrine, the portrait may serve another purpose: presenting Catherine in a more relatable light, as she is depicted in humble attire rather than regal garments. Historical depictions of esteemed queens from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries often portray them as advocates for ordinary people, highlighting their role in interceding on behalf of the welfare of the populace.   She had been preparing to be queen from a young age, so these portraits could be part of her propaganda, portraying her as a good and humble queen who understands her people.

Another portrait by Sittow, initially identified as young Catherine of Aragon, was later re-identified as Mary "Rose" Tudor, the sister of King Henry VIII.

Mary Rose Tudor  by Michiel Sittow, 1514. Source: Kunsthistorisches Museum.

 

The association of the portrait with Catherine began in 1915 when Max Friedländer proposed this identification. Friedländer's paper focused on a painting of the Madonna and Child, noting that the sitter in the painting bore a resemblance to the young woman in the Sittow portrait. His argument was largely based on the prominent jewels in the painting: the border of gold cockleshells centered by a tiny "C" adorning the neckline of the bodice, and a heavy gold collar necklace set with jewels, pearls, and alternating enameled roses and the initial "K." Since roses were a symbol of the Tudor dynasty and cockleshells represented Santiago, the patron saint of Spain, Friedländer theorized that the woman was a Spanish princess.

However, this identification was later reconsidered. It was found that the jewelry in the portrait matched pieces given to Mary Tudor as part of the betrothal negotiations with her erstwhile suitor, the Habsburg Prince Charles ("Karolus").

At this point, none of the portraits of a young Catherine have been definitively proven to depict her. The identities of the sitters in these portraits remain subjects of debate and speculation.

Queen of England: Royal maturity

Catherine of Aragon by Lucas Horenbout (or Hornebolte), c. 1525. Source: National Portrait Gallery. https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw01143/Katherine-of-Aragon

 

Catherine possessed all the essential personal qualities required to be a Queen of England. While she embraced the customs of her new country, she also remained committed to furthering Spanish interests for years to come. With a foundation of strong principles, she set a high moral standard for her household. Beneath her outward appearance of meekness and submission to her husband, she harbored a resilient and tenacious character that allowed her to face the challenges that fate would later present with grace and dignity. These qualities are evident in her portraits, where she is depicted as a mature woman.

The portrait of Catherine painted by Lucas Horenbout around 1525 captures her regal stature. A miniature of her, now housed in the National Portrait Gallery, starkly contrasts with the charming young woman depicted in Miguel Sittow's 1505 portrait, revealing a significant transformation over a decade. Horenbout's portrayal presents a mature, stout woman whose countenance reflects a certain anxiety and sadness. Her once-vibrant red-gold hair now appears darker, possibly due to the pigmentation in the paint, and is styled in a bun or braid at the nape of her neck, adorned with a Juliet cap—an unconventional fashion choice in England during that period.

The inscription "Queen Catharine, his wife" indicates that this portrait was likely part of a pair, with the other depicting Henry VIII. Dated to around 1525-1527, this small work is among the earliest English portrait miniatures.

Catherine of Aragon by an unknown artist, early 18th century. Source: National Portrait Gallery, London.https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/use-this-image/?mkey=mw01144

 

The portrait by an unknown artist, located in the National Portrait Gallery in London, showcases Catherine adorned in a traditional gable hood, wearing an opulent brown velvet gown with a low square neckline. Her figure, characterized as portly, eschews claims to beauty, with a pale face conveying a slightly disdainful expression and a prominent, firm chin. The signs of aging are evident, marked by lines of sadness, while her body shows the toll of frequent childbirth, not the body of a young woman anymore. These two portraits reveal a striking evolution in Catherine's depiction.

The third portrait from her queenship period also underwent reidentification. Initially thought to depict Catherine Parr, Henry VIII's last wife, it was later identified as Catherine of Aragon.

This rare painting of Catherine of Aragon, created during her lifetime, depicts her at around 35 years of age. Portraits like this one played a crucial role in establishing Catherine's position as queen and highlighting her wealth and status, as well as that of her husband, Henry VIII. In the portrait, Catherine is depicted with her hands clasped in front of her, her face slightly turned, looking off to the side rather than directly at the viewer. This standard pose was commonly used in portraits of the time.

Katherine of Aragon by Unknown artist, c. 1520. Source: National Portrait Gallery, London.https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portrait/mw194913/Katherine-of-Aragon?LinkID=mp00801&role=sit&rNo=0

 

The lighting on her face indicates she could be looking through a window. At the same time, her solemn facial expression matches the traditional portraits of the 1500s, which focused on social standing instead of personal traits. The expensive and fashionable clothing, along with her jewelry, demonstrates Catherine's wealth status. The costly red dye cochineal used for her clothing was accessible only to the most affluent members of society. The use of gold as a status symbol in her clothing became restricted by Henry VIII through laws that limited access to gold fabric for royalty and the elite classes of society. Rubies and pearls, which were highly valued during that period, served to demonstrate her royal status. The luxurious fabrics and jewels imported from abroad demonstrated the extensive international relationships of the country.

The recent re-identification of this portrait of Catherine of Aragon led to its pairing with a painting of Henry VIII. The artwork displays their royal positions as king and queen while showcasing the dominance of the Tudor dynasty. The artists probably created these portraits to match each other, so Catherine's posture duplicated Henry's , while demonstrating their joint power during their time as rulers.

Henry VIII,by  unknown  Anglo-Netherlandish artist, c.1520,  and Catherine of Aragon, by unknown artist, c.1520. National Portrait Gallery, London.

 

Catherine experienced a period of contentment during this time because she enjoyed both her royal position and her marriage to Henry VIII. Her life was about to undergo significant changes because difficulties and disturbances were approaching.

 

What is with the monkey?

Catherine of Aragon with a monkey copy after Lucas Horenbout, c.1530. Source: Getty Museum. https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/108MGT

 

Several portraits depict Catherine holding a monkey. The original portrait of Catherine of Aragon, believed to be painted by Lucas Horenbout, became a significant and representative image for the Queen, with several copies made, including one in 1530. This suggests that at some point, Catherine herself embraced this particular depiction and its iconography to convey a specific message or assert her identity, especially during a period of intense personal and political upheaval.

The monkey can represent several ideas, such as subtly addressing the perceptions of femininity, loyalty, and the role of a queen in the Tudor court. Like her father-in-law, Henry VII, and several other contemporary royals, Catherine likely enjoyed having a monkey as a pet (reportedly from her native Spain).

However, this monkey serves a specific purpose in this image: it holds a Tudor rose in one hand while reaching for Catherine’s crucifix instead of the coin she offers.  By the time this portrait was created, Henry VIII was already involved with Anne Boleyn. In this context, Catherine likely sought to depict herself as a wise queen and loyal wife, emphasizing her adherence to her religious convictions and her role as a steadfast and principled monarch. Her portraits convey a message of dignity and moral integrity, underscoring her commitment to her marriage and her faith, even as she faced personal and political challenges.

Could this be the message Catherine is conveying, particularly as Henry replaces her? We know that Henry VIII began the divorce process with Catherine of Aragon in 1527. Same year she promptly increased her clothing budget by 50%. Perhaps she intended to appear more attractive to the fashion-conscious king, but dressing extravagantly would also serve to assert that she, as the Queen, outranked her rival. During the years that both she and Anne remained at court, sharing the same household while Henry sought to dissolve his marriage to Catherine, the Great Wardrobe and the Royal jewels became a battleground.

Unfortunately, Catherine ultimately lost this battle. Despite her efforts to maintain her position and uphold her marriage vows, Henry pursued a divorce, which ultimately led to the annulment of their marriage in 1533. This marked a significant turning point in English history, as it led to the English Reformation and the establishment of the Church of England.

But Catherine remained resolute and refused to yield. She steadfastly rejected Henry's new church, his new wife. In her eyes, she remained the rightful Queen of England.

Catherine of Aragon died at age 50 on Friday, January 7, 1536, but despite her isolated passing, rumors of poisoning circulated widely for a long time, though they were not true.

Even after centuries, Catherine of Aragon's persona remains highly respected, and her legacy, marked by resilience, dignity, and a steadfast commitment to her beliefs, continues to be seen in her portraits, where she looks at us through the ages, whether as a young girl with curly hair or a serious queen with a strong, resolute face.

 

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Portuguese princess Catherine of Braganza brought a daily habit of drinking tea to England. The young princess double-checked every sea chest that would be loaded onto the boat, set to sail with her to the new country where she would soon become queen. Among the lavish dresses, jewelry, and fabrics, there was something unusual—an item that would change the habits of aristocratic life throughout England. Dried tea leaves awaited in the chest, ready to be introduced into the new society.

Kateryna Dronova explains.

Catherine of Braganza, circa 1663-65. By Peter Lely.

From a Portuguese princess to the queen of England

Born in 1638, Catherine of Braganza was the daughter of João IV of Portugal and Luisa de Guzmán. She was one of their five children. While her remarkable mother focused on sheltering her children and tending to their education, her father led a rebellion against Spain.

During that time, João IV was offered the Portuguese crown, and at his wife's urging, he accepted. The family relocated to Lisbon, where he was crowned King João IV. Portugal continued to fight for its independence from Spain, receiving little support from other European nations. All these events likely shaped Catherine and helped her understand the importance of alliances for the pursuit of independence.

In 1644, King João gained a crucial victory against Spain. It was the right time to ally. That’s why the ambassador traveled to England to initiate marriage negotiations between his daughter, Catherine, and King Charles I's eldest son, Charles.  Negotiations failed to materialize because of the raging English Civil War that engulfed the nation.

King Afonso ascended to the throne after his father's death in 1656, while his mother, Luisa, assumed the role of regent. She dedicated her time to fighting for Portugal's independence through both military and commercial methods to resist Spanish control. She also committed countless years to facilitating the marriage between her daughter, Catherine, and Charles Stuart, as she recognized the strategic importance of alliances.

The big wedding plan comes true because, during Oliver Cromwell's rule as Protector of England, Charles Stuart spent a prolonged period in exile. English people welcomed back their true monarch after Cromwell's death in the spring of 1660, when Charles returned as King Charles II. The growing political stability of England led to the successful completion of plans for Catherine's marriage to Charles.

 

Towards a New Life

The wide hoop skirt swept across the floor as Catherine hurried to bid her mother farewell. The Queen Mother of Portugal looked at her daughter, the future Queen of England, with pride—Catherine had accomplished what every princess dreams of achieving. At twenty-three, she had blossomed into a serene and composed young woman, ready to be a queen.

The English ship "Royal Charles" lay anchored at the Tagus River, ready for departure, with all arrangements finalized. The majestic vessel, boasting a crew of 680 and an impressive array of brass cannons, awaited Catherine as she made her way to its side. Accompanying her were dried tea leaves, which would soon become a prized treasure for a future queen.

She arrived in Portsmouth on May 13, 1662, dressed in English attire and radiating happiness. A gilded state coach took her through the town's streets, allowing the people to catch a glimpse of her as she passed by. From there, she was escorted to the King's House, the residence of the Governor of Portsmouth.

On May 21, 1662, the couple was married in Portsmouth in two ceremonies: a private, solemn Catholic service, followed by a public Anglican ceremony. However, even at this joyous moment, people began to criticize Catherine for her appearance and reserved demeanor. Her struggles with the English language only added to the challenges she faced. Despite this, Charles appeared pleased with her grace and comportment, and their early days of marriage were filled with contentment. Catherine, in turn, fell hopelessly in love with the King.

A lady drinking tea. Niclas Lafrensen, 18th century.

Tea, Please

The Portuguese were the pioneers among Europeans in the commercial trade of tea, initially transporting their cargo to Lisbon before distributing it to other nations such as France and Holland. While Portugal took the lead in this burgeoning trade, England was notably the last European country to establish maritime routes in pursuit of tea at that time. This late entry into the tea trade ultimately had a profound impact on English culture and society, as tea became an integral part of daily life in Britain.

A significant clash of courtly cultures characterized Catherine of Braganza’s early years in England. As the new queen consort, she and her Portuguese entourage faced ridicule for their distinctive attire, particularly the guardainfantes—large hoop skirts that were popular in the Iberian Peninsula. Additionally, the unfamiliar style of music played by her musicians did not resonate well with the English court, which was increasingly influenced by the French fashion and musical trends that dominated many European centers in the latter half of the seventeenth century.

These negative impressions led Catherine to embrace local customs and fashions, allowing her to better integrate into her new environment. At the same time, she introduced something distinctly her own to the English court: her love for tea drinking, which the court eventually adopted as well.

This practice not only caught the attention of the English aristocracy but also inspired them to adopt the ritual as a fashionable pastime. As Catherine elegantly enjoyed her tea, it became a symbol of sophistication and refinement, leading to its emergence as a staple in English social life.

British society underwent significant dietary changes due to tea's profound impact on the nation. Traditional heavy meals, consisting of breakfast and dinner, began to include tea consumption, which transformed the way people consumed food and beverages.

 

The evening meal was divided into two separate tea services, which became known as high tea and low tea.  High tea, served during late afternoon or early evening hours, included meat and hearty dishes as part of its menu, which made it popular among upper- and middle-class society.  Low tea served during mid-afternoon hours presented a refined dining experience with light food options, including dainty sandwiches and sweet treats. The tea service presentation focused on elegance, serving upper-class social gatherings where people displayed their refined tastes.

Catherine’s daily tea ceremonies evolved into significant social events at the English court, drawing the attention of ladies and aristocrats who would gather to partake in the ceremony. This engagement not only fostered social interaction but also played a key role in popularizing the custom throughout aristocratic circles, creating a ripple effect that contributed to the integration of tea into English society.

Life After England

Queen Catherine remained essentially detached from English politics, though she kept a keen eye on events unfolding in her homeland of Portugal. In 1665, she began the construction of a religious establishment to the east of St. James, which was completed by 1667 and became known as The Friary. Following the death of the King’s mother in 1669, she took residence at Somerset House in 1671.

Not for so long had her brother, King Pedro II, been unable to govern, and her nephews were too young to take on the throne. Consequently, in 1704, Catherine was appointed regent, a role reminiscent of her mother’s position after her father’s passing.

Catherine demonstrated exceptional leadership abilities, enabling her to successfully lead military operations and navigate complex national issues with great skill. Her leadership earned widespread admiration because she demonstrated both bravery and wisdom in governing her nation. Catherine maintained her position until December 31, 1705, when she passed away before being buried in the Royal Pantheon of the distinguished Braganza Dynasty. Her final resting place honors her lasting impact, which is still celebrated throughout Portugal today.

Although her impact on British history is less well-known than that of other notable figures, Catherine left a substantial cultural mark. The English nation adopted tea drinking thanks to Catherine, who brought this practice from abroad, thus changing the country's beverage preferences from ale to tea. The fundamental change brought about new social traditions, which developed into the traditional British tea culture. British culture continues to benefit from Catherine's leadership through the conventional afternoon tea customs, the growth of tea houses, and the essential role tea plays in social interactions across the United Kingdom.

 

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Historically kings have been the formal heads of state in Europe, with their queens losing their position on death as a new king was installed. However, queens did not always stop being queens. Here, Samantha Arrowsmith tells us about four times that European queens married a king for a second time – specifically, their first husband’s successor.

Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, receiving a manuscript praising famous women from from Antoine Dufour.

Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, receiving a manuscript praising famous women from from Antoine Dufour.

Introduction

Royal women were raised to be matrimonial ambassadors representing their family’s interests at a foreign court. Their power lay through the men that they knew as a daughter, wife and mother and, excluded from the explicit power that a king could wield, an ambitious woman’s opportunity lay in the intimate power she had with her husband.

But what happened when that marriage ended through the death of their husband?

Second marriages were not always guaranteed and royal woman were just as likely to be sent to a nunnery, as they were to be of use to their family for a second time. For some, however, not only did they remarry, but they married their husband’s successor, often at the ostracization of their sons, the derision of their subjects and the condemnation of historians to come.

Here we will look at four women in particular.

Judith of Flanders, Queen of Wessex (c. 844-c870) was the daughter of Charles the Bald and married Æthelwulf in 856 followed by his son Æthelbald in 858. Carolingian princesses were raised with a close affinity to a life in the church and very few of them ever married a foreign king[i].

Emma of Normandy, Queen of England (c. 984-1052) was the sister of Richard II of Normandy and came to England in 1002 as the second wife of Æthelred II. On his death in 1016 she married his successor, the Viking invader Cnut. She was a powerful and influential queen, commissioning a biography (The Encomium Emmae Reginae) and appearing in contemporary portraits. She was the mother of two kings.

Anne of Brittany, Queen of France (1477-1514) was the Duchess of Brittany in her own right, having inherited the strategically vital duchy from her father in 1488. It instantly made her one of the most coveted heiresses in Europe, and after having her marriage to Maximillian I of Austria annulled, she married Charles VIII of France in 1491. On his death in 1499, she married his cousin and successor, Louis XII, with whom she had two daughters.

Catherine of Aragon, Princess of Wales (1485-1536) was the daughter of Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon. She was married to Arthur, Prince of Wales in 1501 at the age of fifteen and was widowed less than five months later. His successor as both the Welsh prince and English heir was his younger brother, Prince Henry, the future Henry VIII, who she eventually married in 1509. She had one living child, a daughter, Mary I of England.

So why did these women marry the man who succeeded their husbands?

 

Did they really have a choice?

The first question often asked when considering the fortunes of royal women is whether they really had any choices. The natural assumption is to see them as powerless and tools of the men around them.

Royal women of any era suffered from a lack of free-will, particularly when it came to marriage. Even after having performed their duty for their first marriage, very few had the freedom to choose for themselves when it came to their second husband. However, that is not the same as saying that they were all completely powerless.

Of our royal women, two, Catherine of Aragon and Emma of Normandy, were possibly prisoners between the death of their husbands and their second marriages. Catherine almost certainly was, remaining trapped in England whilst her father refused to pay the second half of the dowry she had brought with her on her marriage to Arthur. It was a sum he became increasingly unable to afford, especially after the death of her mother, Isabella, in 1504 when he lost access to the rich lands of Castile, now inherited by his eldest daughter, Joanna. However, as we will discuss further, Catherine was not altogether reluctant to stay, and she avoided several opportunities to return home.

Emma was probably in London at the time of her husband’s death (although the Encomium Emmae Reginae claims that she was in Normandy[ii]), unable or unwilling to leave. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle certainly seems to show that she was brought to Cnut on his instruction:

‘And then, before the Kalends of August, the king commanded the relict of king Æthelred, Richard's daughter, to be fetched for his wife; that was Ælfgive in English, Emma in French.’[iii]

 

However, the Encomium showed Emma as having a more inclusive role in the decision, being an equal part of the protracted discussions between the two, which decided her future[iv]. Historians have also cast doubt on the theory that she was trapped, instead theorizing that it was her choice to stay in England whilst her sons fled[v].

For Anne of Brittany the decision was even more clear cut; her marriage contract with her first husband Charles VIII of France had specifically stipulated that should he die before her without a male heir she was to marry his successor. The clause ensured that France would retain control of her duchy, intending that it would eventually be annexed permanently once a male French heir was born.

Of the four of them only Judith of Flanders seems to have had a modicum of choice. Both of her Wessex husbands predeceased her, and on the death of her second husband, Æthelbald, Judith quickly sold her English lands and returned to Flanders. The fact that she chose, and was able, to do this suggests that it may have been possible for her to have done the same on Æthelwulf’s death two years earlier. Staying in Wessex to marry his son may have been a conscious choice rather than something forced upon her.

 

To avoid a life in religious obsoletion 

 

Finding themselves retired to a religious house was a fate that awaited many royal women and for some it was a preferable option to what might otherwise await, including death. Choosing to bow out gracefully could help ensure that they had some input into where and how they went, especially as retiring to a nunnery didn’t necessarily mean taking the veil and leaving behind a life of luxury. Yet for others the idea of being pensioned off at a young age was something they were determined to resist.

For Judith, returning home to Flanders after Æthelwulf’s death would have almost certainly guaranteed her a life in a religious house, even though she was only fourteen years old. Her job of binding Wessex and Flanders together in a peace treaty against the Vikings was over and her father, Charles the Bald, was inclined to return to the country’s tradition of associating its royal woman with religious foundations. Æthelbald would have been keen to see the alliance continue, plus marrying an anointed queen would have bolstered his claim to the throne. Both would get something from the marriage, but if marrying her stepson was her way to avoid such a fate it certainly proved scandalous, even to some of her contemporaries who were used to marriages between widows and successors. The chronicler Asser reported:

‘Once King Æthelwulf was dead, Æthelbald, his son, against God's prohibition and Christian dignity, and also contrary to the practice of all pagans, took over his father's marriage-bed and married Judith, daughter of Charles, king of the Franks, incurring great disgrace from all who heard of it.’[vi]

 

She had been right, however, about her fate: when Æthelbald died and she went home, her father housed her in the monastery at Senlis under episcopal guardianship; she only escaped when she eloped with her third husband.

Catherine of Aragon’s chances of being sent to a nunnery were equally assured after the death of her first husband, Arthur, Prince of Wales in 1502. Although often portrayed as a pious and religious queen, Catherine would spend the next seven years fighting to secure a marriage that would keep her in England and out of a nunnery. Initially, she was offered the chance to wed the present king, Henry VII, her father-in-law, but she fiercely opposed the suggestion, persuading her mother, the formidable Isabella of Castile, to her cause:

‘[his proposal] would be an evil thing, the mere mention of which offends the ears, and we would not for anything in the world that it should take place.’[vii]

 

They both knew that, with Henry not having long to live, any marriage between the two would quickly see Catherine a widow again, only now with no hope of another marriage. Instead, she pinned her future on her ten-year-old brother-in-law, telling her father that she would rather die in England than return to Spain rejected[viii]. By 1503 her fortunes seemed to have rallied when a new marriage treaty was arranged and she was betrothed to the new Prince of Wales, but the date for the wedding came and went and as the years passed her value to her family began to diminish.  Her father still refused to pay the dowry and her mother’s death a year later saw his power shrink on the international stage, destroying her worth as a bride. Henry VII began to look towards more important European houses for a bride for his son and Prince Henry was forced to repudiate his previous betrothal vows. Catherine’s chances seemed over and a return to Aragon was suggested right up until 1509, but she resisted at least until March that year; as the Dowager Princess of Wales with an impoverished father with domestic issues, even she had accepted that going home to a religious life was the best she had to look forward to. It was only Henry VII’s death a few months later and the chivalric determination of Henry VIII to marry her that saved her from such a fate. 

 

Protecting the life of her sons

Marriage was the measure of a royal woman’s purpose and the birth of a son the pinnacle of her achievements, yet of our four queens only Emma had sons, both with her first husband Æthelred II (Edward and Alfred) and her second, his successor, Cnut (Harthacnut).

Emma’s motives for marrying Cnut are complex, and historians have sought to condemn and excuse her actions in equal measure. The portrayal of her actions in a positive light is evidenced by the explanation that her marriage protected her sons from certain death. Undoubtedly Cnut would have been threatened by Edward and Alfred, especially as they had taken refuge at the court of their uncle in Normandy. Sons of a previous king were dangerous if left unchecked and though both boys had an elder brother by their father’s first wife, the rule of primogeniture had still not fully developed at this time, leaving the throne open to whoever proved the strongest.

By marrying Cnut, Emma hoped to give him assurances that she would not support their claim and deter her brother from acting on behalf of his nephews, thus negating Cnut’s need to be rid of them. Yet Emma’s own record of her marriage to Cnut in the Encomium seems to show that her thoughts on marrying him were not for Alfred or Edward, but rather for the sons they might have together:

‘But she refused ever to become the bride of Knutr, unless he would affirm to her by oath, that he would never set up the son of any wife other than herself to rule after him, if it happened that God should give her a son by him.’[ix]

 

Similarly, if she had married him only to protect the claims of her and Æthelred’s sons, she had certainly had a change of heart by the time Cnut died in 1035. Emma chose to support the claim of his child, Harthacnut, over that of her last surviving son with Æthelred, Edward, retaining much of the power she had had as Queen Consort. Edward did not forget it. Even more shocking is the possibility that she was responsible for encouraging her boys to leave the comparable safety of Normandy in 1036, resulting in Alfred’s horrific blinding and death; the fact that the Encomium works hard to clear her name shows how seriously the idea was taken at the time.

 

To protect her own inheritance

Though Anne had no children at the time of the death of her first husband, Charles VIII, her marriage to his successor, Louis XII, did, in many ways, aim to protect the rights of any future children she might have.

The year after her marriage to Charles VIII in 1491, Anne was described by the Venetian ambassador as a highly determined woman:

‘Her wit is remarkable for her age and once she has set her mind on doing something, she makes sure she succeeds, by all means necessary and at any price.’[x]

 

As duchess in her own right, she was fiercely protective of Brittany’s independence from France and although Charles VIII contracted her to marry the next king (despite him already having a wife, her sister-in-law, Joan of France), she was shrewd enough to protect her own interests in the process. Alongside the ruling that she must marry Louis, was also the caveat that should she outlive Charles then she would retain her possession of Brittany as its Duchess. Accordingly, she often toured her homeland as its ruler and protector and arranged that the heir to the duchy would be her daughter Claude, rather than it passing with the French crown to the next male heir (her husband’s cousin, Francis I)[xi].

 

Retaining power

The power that came with queenship varied from woman to woman, location to location and century to century. What one woman could obtain in ninth-century Wessex was not the same as another in fifteenth-century France. Yet, having known power and influence with one husband may well have driven a widow of any era to seek the same with their next, and who better than the successor to that power.

This was, of course, very much dependent on the nature of the women and the time that they were given to find their place. As Princess of Wales, fifteen-year-old Catherine never had the opportunity to do much and, equally, although the two years of Judith’s marriage to the elderly Æthelwulf saw the teenage queen holding a special status when he ‘conferred on her the title of queen: something not customary before then to him or his people'[xii], she had little other power. Yet both saw what they could have and chose to stay in England and Wessex respectively, in order to achieve it.

For Anne, also only around twelve at the time of her marriage to Charles VIII, the power that she sought to protect was not that which she had found in France, but rather the power she already exercised in her own homeland. She had already annulled one marriage in order to claim the security of a connection with France and marrying Louis allowed her to retain and enjoy her freedoms as duchess for the rest of her life.

Of our four women, it was Emma who wielded the most power as a queen consort, though it may be premature to say that she married Cnut in order to keep what she had had with Æthelred. He had accorded her some influence, as her witnessing of royal charters shows, and yet she did not have the influence needed to ensure the succession of her son. For any queen, being the mother of the next king was what safeguarded her control, and when England fell into war between Æthelred’s, eldest son, Edmund, and the Viking invaders, neither of Emma’s sons were in a position to challenge him. Cnut’s victory gave her an alternative.

Having considered the positive interpretation of Emma’s actions (that of securing her sons’ safety), we should now consider the possible negative motive. Did she cut her losses with her children and accept marriage to the new king in order to protect her own position? Edward certainly never had a close bond with her, and their relationship remained strained after he became king in 1042, with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle suggesting that:

‘she had formerly been very hard to the king, her son, in that she did less for him than he wished both before he became king and afterwards as well.'[xiii]

 

Whatever her reason, it certainly proved a prudent and clever move and she developed her role with Cnut beyond what she had had with Æthelred, She become Queen of Denmark and Norway when Cnut inherited the thrones from his elder brother and was probably made regent during his subsequent absences from England. She was a formidable patron of the church and sources describe her almost as Cnut’s partner, appearing alongside him on the frontispiece of the New Minster Liber Vitae. On his death she was powerful enough to take hold of the royal treasury at Winchester, and for a time she was the richest woman in England.

 

Conclusion

Once a woman was sent to her new husband her work as an intercessor between him and her family had only just begun. They were the link that bound two nations to peace, trade and prosperity and whose offspring would continue that connection for centuries to come. But when death intervened and that role was no longer possible it was not always the case that her family would need or want her back.

It is easy to judge royal women as either pawns in men’s games or as scheming mercenaries ready to forget their husbands almost as soon as they were dead. Neither is wholly accurate. Power was a complex and dangerous thing for women and they were forced to make difficult choices in order to retain their freedom, dignity and status. Marriage was a political game and women proved that they could play it just as well as a man when fate allowed. Marrying their husband’s successor was neither a betrayal or callous. It was a way to survive a difficult and political world.

 

What do you think about these four queens?

Now, read Samantha’s article of James VI/James I, the king whose lovers were men – here.



[i] MacLean, S. Queenship, Nunneries and Royal Widowhood in Carolingian Europe, p11-12; Stafford, Pauline. Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: the King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages, p47.

[ii] The Encomium Emmae Reginae, Book 2:16. Simon Keynes believes that this ‘add[s] to the evidence that [the Encomium] …took considerable liberties with the truth’. Keynes, Simon Emma [Ælfgifu].

[iii] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A1017, trans J A Giles, p107.

[iv] The Encomium Emmae Reginae, Book 2:17.

[v] Keynes, Emma [Ælfgifu]

[vi] From Asser’s Life of Alfred, Chapter 17, quoted in Nelson, Janet. Æthelwulf

[vii] Isabella, Queen of Castile, quoted in Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII, p194.

[viii]  Scarisbrick, JJ. Henry VIII, p11.

[ix] The Encomium Emmae Reginae, Book 2:16.

[x] Ambassador Zaccaria Contarini, 1492 quoted in Representations of Anne of Brittany

[xi] Nevertheless, Claude was married to Francis (against Anne’s wishes) binding the duchy to France.

[xii] Annals of St Bertin, s.a. 856 quoted in Nelson, Æthelwulf

[xiii] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle A 1043, p115

Bibliography

Davis, CSL and Edwards, John. Katherine [Catalina, Catherine, Katherine of Aragon] in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2011

Firth, Matt. Queenship and Power: the political life of Emma of Normandy

Keynes, Simon Emma [Ælfgifu] in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004

MacLean, S. Queenship, Nunneries and Royal Widowhood in Carolingian EuropePast & Present, (178), 3-38, 2003

Nelson, Janet. Æthelwulf in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004

Parsons, John Carmi. ‘Mothers, Daughters, Marriage, Power: some Plantagenet evidence, 1150-1500’ in Medieval Queenship ed John Carmi Parsons, Sutton, 1993

Scarisbrick, JJ. Henry VIII, Methuen, London, 1983

Stafford, Pauline. Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: the King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages. Leicester University Press,1998

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle trans, J A Giles, London, 1914

The Encomium Emmae Reginae trans, Alistair Campbell (1949), published at Internet Medieval Source Book, Fordham University, 2019

Williams, Neville. The Life and Times of Henry VII, Book Club Associates, London, 1983