In the late seventh century BCE, Egypt's Saite renaissance under Pharaoh Necho II looked seaward as few rulers of the Nile ever had. Necho reorganized Egypt's defenses and began the digging of a canal to connect the Nile with the Red Sea, and, if we trust a tantalizing report, he commissioned a Phoenician fleet to sail out of the Red Sea, round the southern tip of Africa, and return to Egypt by way of the Mediterranean.

The story comes to us through Herodotus, who records the sailors' most curious claim: at one stretch of the voyage, that the Sun stood on their right. Later generations seized upon this detail as an accidental proof that they had indeed crossed into the southern hemisphere.

Terry Bailey explains.

A Nile crocodile allowing the trochilus bird to eat leeches in its mouth. By Henry Scherren, 1906.

Herodotus in Histories (Book 4.42) writes that Necho sent Phoenician mariners from the "Erythraean Sea" (the Greek term for the Red Sea) with orders to sail westward around Libya, what the Greeks called Africa, and return through the Pillars of Heracles at Gibraltar. The expedition, he claims, took three years, with crews putting ashore each autumn to sow grain and waiting for the harvest before continuing. On their return, they reported, to Herodotus' own skepticism, that they had seen the Sun on their right while sailing, which is precisely what one would observe when travelling west along Africa's southern coast in the southern hemisphere.

That single aside has become the strongest internal argument for the authenticity of the account, for it is an observation unlikely to have been invented by a fifth-century BCE Greek listener yet matches astronomical reality.

Necho II (r. 610–595 BCE) faced Assyrian collapse and Babylonian expansion to the northeast and saw value in sea power and connectivity across east and west. He began the construction of the so-called "Canal of the Pharaohs," a Nile–Red Sea link through the Wadi Tumilat, a project supported by archaeological evidence and later refurbished by the Persians under Darius I. If any sailors were capable of executing such a reconnaissance mission at the very edge of the known world, it was the Phoenicians, cosmopolitan merchants of the Levant who maintained outposts across the Mediterranean and, crucially, beyond the Straits of Gibraltar.

A plausible reconstruction of the voyage follows Herodotus' outline. In the first year, the fleet likely departed the Red Sea and rode the northeast monsoon down the East African coast, halting seasonally to grow provisions as Herodotus describes. In the second year, they would have crossed below the Tropic of Capricorn, skirted a stormy southern coastline, and made the observation of the Sun standing to their right. From there they would have turned northward into the South Atlantic, assisted by the Benguela Current. The third year would have brought them up the West African coast along the Canary Current, through the Pillars of Heracles, and back into the Mediterranean for the return to Egypt. The three-year rhythm of sailing, overwintering, and planting grain makes logistical sense for a flotilla dependent on seasonal winds and local provisioning.

Although we lack any archaeological direct evidence of the expedition itself, sixth- and fifth-century BCE Phoenician merchant ships were more than capable of such a voyage. These deep-bellied, long-range carriers were designed for coast-hugging navigation and could sustain themselves over great distances. Archaeological finds from a sixth-century BCE Phoenician wreck off Cartagena in Spain included goods traced to Morocco and even amber from the Baltic. Such evidence demonstrates that Phoenician traders routinely linked Atlantic and Mediterranean circuits, the very expertise required for Necho's plan.

There is no direct archaeological proof of the circumnavigation, no anchor inscribed with Necho's cartouche found on a South African beach, however, indirect evidence shows that by around 600 BCE, the constituent legs of the voyage were within Phoenician reach. Excavations at Mogador Island off the Moroccan coast reveal Phoenician presence between the seventh and fifth centuries BCE, with purple-dye production and Atlantic trade firmly established. Later Carthaginian explorations, most famously Hanno's Periplus, describe voyages down the West African coast, confirming that Punic sailors had knowledge of and interest in those waters. Meanwhile, archaeological remains of the Nile–Red Sea canal attest to Egyptian efforts to maintain seafaring access, infrastructure without which the expedition would not have been possible.

Greek awareness of Egyptian maritime projects should not be overlooked. By the seventh and sixth centuries BCE, the Nile Delta settlement of Naukratis functioned as a Greek emporion, cementing Greek–Egyptian exchange networks. Even if Greeks did not sail with Necho's fleet, information about the venture could easily have reached Greek audiences and, in time, Herodotus himself.

Skepticism about the account remains. Egyptologist Alan B. Lloyd, among others, has argued that the expedition sits awkwardly with Egyptian priorities and that Herodotus or his sources may have misunderstood or embellished elements of the tale. The absence of direct archaeological finds is also a sobering reminder of the fragility of the evidence. Even Herodotus himself confesses doubt about the Phoenicians' "Sun on the right" claim ironically, the very point modern scholars find most persuasive.

Yet three considerations keep many in the "plausible to likely" camp. First is technical feasibility: Phoenician ships and seamanship were fully capable of long coastal voyages, as the Cartagena wreck and Atlantic trade goods demonstrate. Second is the astronomical "tell": the report of the Sun standing on the right is a striking observational detail difficult to forge anachronistically. Third is continuity of Atlantic activity: sites such as Mogador confirm Phoenicians operating along the Atlantic facade during this very period, and Hanno's later voyage proves that long-distance Punic exploration was a reality, not a fantasy.

If the Phoenicians indeed rounded Africa, they must have passed its southern tip, whether Cape Agulhas or the Cape of Good Hope, navigating the notorious currents and seasonal winds that would challenge even later mariners. Herodotus' three-year cadence of planting and waiting accords well with the rhythm of ancient voyaging dictated by monsoon and trade wind cycles.

Needless to say, Herodotus 4.42 remains the lone ancient source, and while no direct proof of the circumnavigation has been found, a network of indirect evidence supports its plausibility. The canal works linking the Nile and Red Sea, Phoenician presence in Atlantic Morocco, long-range Phoenician wrecks, and Punic traditions of African exploration together suggest that such an expedition was well within reach. The circumnavigation under Necho II remains unproven but credible. If it occurred as reported, it would mark the first recorded rounding of Africa, an extraordinary feat of Saite ambition executed by the Phoenicians, the finest mariners of their age. It would also represent a one-off achievement not repeated, at least in the historical record, until the great oceanic voyages of the Age of Discovery two millennia later.

 

Conclusion

In conclusion, weighing the evidence, Necho II's alleged Phoenician circumnavigation of Africa occupies a fascinating space between history and legend. Herodotus' testimony is tantalizing, at once doubtful and yet unwittingly corroborative in its mention of the Sun on the right. The absence of direct archaeological proof prevents certainty, however, even without archaeological evidence it does not mean the voyage did not take place. Needless to say, the convergence of circumstantial factors, the existence of the Nile–Red Sea canal, the demonstrated reach of Phoenician seafaring, the archaeological traces of Atlantic presence, and later Punic voyages down the African coast, all lend weight to the claim.

Even if we cannot confirm the expedition, its plausibility is a reminder of the extraordinary maritime capabilities of the ancient Mediterranean world. If true, the voyage would stand not only as a triumph of Egyptian and perhaps Greek initiative but also Phoenician seamanship, in addition to, a landmark moment in the global history of exploration. If false, the story still reveals how ancient peoples imagined the limits of their world and the daring ventures that might transcend them. Either way, the account survives as one of the most compelling intersections of myth, history, and geography in antiquity, an enduring tale of human ambition pushing against the edges of the known world.

 

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Notes:

Herodotus

Herodotus, often called the "Father of History," was a fifth-century BCE Greek writer whose monumental work, The Histories, laid the foundations for the Western tradition of historical inquiry. Born in Halicarnassus, a city in Asia Minor under Persian rule, Herodotus grew up amidst diverse cultures, which likely shaped his curiosity about peoples, places, and events far beyond his homeland. His great work is a sprawling account of the Greco-Persian Wars, but it is also much more than a military chronicle. It explores geography, anthropology, customs, myths, and legends, offering readers not only an account of battles and kings but also a tapestry of the ancient world as Herodotus understood it.

What distinguishes Herodotus is not only his attempt to gather information from various sources but also the way he wove those stories together. He travelled widely, collecting oral traditions and eyewitness accounts, which he then presented in a narrative that aimed to explain not only what happened, but why it happened. Yet, his reliance on hearsay and storytelling meant that he did not always distinguish clearly between fact and embellishment. Herodotus admitted as much, often inserting phrases such as "so the Egyptians say" or "this is what I have heard," leaving the judgment to the reader.

Herodotus' writing was also deeply colored by artistic license. He was not a dispassionate recorder of events, but a storyteller who sought to engage and entertain as much as to inform. His descriptions of far-off lands, strange customs, and miraculous events often blur the line between history and folklore. For instance, his accounts of gold-digging ants in India or the fabulous size of Persian armies are regarded today as exaggerations or imaginative flourishes. At the same time, these elements reveal his skill as a narrator, capable of bringing history to life with drama and color.

Though later historians such as Thucydides criticized Herodotus for his tendency toward embellishment, modern scholarship recognize that his artistic approach helped preserve cultural memory and human experience in ways that bare facts might not have. Herodotus offered more than a record of past events; he provided a lens through which to view the values, fears, and wonders of his age. His Histories stand as both a pioneering work of history and a masterpiece of storytelling, where fact and fable intertwine to shape the understanding of the ancient world.

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AuthorGeorge Levrier-Jones
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Historiography is composed of the principles, theories, or methodology of scholarly historical research and presentation. Here, James Zills looks at how historiography evolved in Ancient Greece, and includes consideration of Homer, Herodotus, and Thucydides.

Homer as shown in 1493 in the Nuremberg Chronicles.

Homer as shown in 1493 in the Nuremberg Chronicles.

Greek historiography arguably began with the epic poems of Homer; though many scholars debate his actual existence. Homer’s poems focused mainly on the heroes and gods of what would later become “Greek Mythology” during the Trojan War and the fall of Troy. The Homeric Epics narrowed the events in Greek history to individuals and lacked a timeline of events for historians to follow. The issue of validity of the poems created the need for subsequent historians to fill in the gaps and broaden the scope of Greek history. The evolution of Greek historiography began out of a necessity to fill in crucial gaps in historical events, timelines; the Homeric Poems and stories from bards filled with mythological gods, and undeniable inaccuracies required elimination. The gradual elimination of deities and a quest for accurate and reliable sources from historians such as Herodotus, Thucydides, and Polybius shaped the writing and reporting of history in Greece. 

The historiography of Ancient Greece arguably traces its roots back to the bards who would recite epic tales most notably the ones accredited to Homer. The issue with these epic poems is that they were passed down orally and fails to give details such as dates, and has such a narrow scope; it leaves historians questioning its authenticity from a historical perspective. The Iliadand Odyssey composed four to five hundred years after the fall of Troy giving those more of an imaginative or artistic narrative[1]. The narrowness was not the only issue later historians would have with Homer’s works; the mythical gods and implausible characters made the poems an unreliable source. When modern historians began to develop Greek historical writing, the value in myth or anything mythical began to fade.[2]

 

God(s) Were Never On Your Side

The gods that dominated and controlled the fate of the heroes in early Greek oral history came into question by Herodotus. He began to write history in prose and is known as the “father of history.”[3] While many may argue that the work of Herodotus fails to fall in line with the conception of historiography; he plays a pivotal role in the way history is recorded thus aiding in the evolution of Greek historiography. Herodotus’ view on history was much broader that his predecessors.  His expansion on history included the interactions of Greece with foreign countries and remote ages that were reliant on the information of witnesses instead of stories passed down for generations.[4] While his writings were reliant on some form of eyewitness accounts, he was not immune from the use of mythical events as a reference point in history.[5] Unfortunately, for Herodotus, this takes away the validity of his works, but does not diminish his role in the evolution of historiography in Greece. 

While the writings of Herodotus, not wholly clouded with mythical gods and events, he did use them on occasion. An outlandish version of Hercules written by Herodotus, places the Greek God in Egypt where he slaughtered thousands of Egyptians before his thwarted sacrifice[6]. This particular story is implausible due to the nature of the subject’s views of sacrifices and the absurdity of how one could kill so many. The prose approach that Herodotus took to writing or recording history is his contribution to the evolution of historiography in Greece. Perhaps his bilateral approach to fact and fiction was an attempt to appease those who still widely believed in mythology. As to whether Herodotus actually believed this is debatable; he believed much of the myth in Greek history to be “silly fables”.[7]

Herodotus focused on the cause and effect that events had on society correlating them with timelines from Egyptian history records. His works served to broaden the viewpoint given by the bards, inasmuch as he wrote about remote antiquity and all aspects of culture.[8] Herodotus’ greatest critic was Thucydides, who unlike his “competitor” focuses on politics and military matters. Thucydides eventually argued that myth only served as entertainment and lacked any factual value to history. Thucydides weakened the position myth held in historical accuracy by being critical of it and omitting it from his works. His believe was that while his work may be less appealing to the masses; the minority of the population who wanted truth are appreciative. 

Thucydides along with Herodotus differed in their approaches in documenting and presenting, but shared contrasting viewpoints on all things mythical. Thucydides only conceded that the belief in such entities was the guiding factor in historical event, but the idea of actual existence is “laughable”.[9] His controversial, yet influential works began to change public opinion on the actuality of mythological gods. The way in which Thucydides described the past in his works served to change the perception of historical events. Thucydides’ strict refusal to write on anything that he felt was unreliable in an attempt to present the most accurate historical accounts possible though underappreciated at the time became the norm for future historians. During the era of the Polis, the way in which history documentation began a slow and painful change with the help of historians like Herodotus and Thucydides. 

 

Too Good To Be True

Historical events became broader and depending on who the historian was, accounts came under more scrutiny. During this period, oral accounts still held weight, but the modern historians of the time evolved the way in which they documented it. The idea of documented history based on verifiable evidence began to hold, although slowly. The Hellenistic Age brought with it a more stringent attempt to preserve, capture, define, and evaluate history. Scholars set to preserve the accounts of previous historians as well as improve on their understanding.[10] The most notable historian to come from the Hellenistic Age is Polybius, who emphasized the importance of geographical knowledge and a sensible political view from historians.[11]

Polybius along with the rest of the scholars of the Hellenistic Age aided in the evolution of Greek historiography by searching for truth, motives, and the lessons behind historical events. They recorded history with much more accuracy than their predecessors. The introduction of new cultures to the citizens of Greece brought with it new methods of recording and chronicling time. The scholars of the Hellenistic Age began a trend of filling in the gaps and providing more accuracy to events that would evolve with future generations of Greek historians. The difference in viewpoints of past historians served to expand the horizons of Greek historians and those who read them. As curiosity and the search for accuracy grew with the scholars and their capacity for experimenting and adapting to cultural changes furthered the evolution of Greek historiography.[12]

From its critical beginning, Greek Historiography shows a need to evolve into historical accuracy instead of uplifting, heroic Epic Poems. While the entertainment value of Homeric Poems is timeless, Greek historians felt the necessity to expound upon them and historical fact to them. This eventually led to the debunking or omission of any information from the poems as Greek historiography transitioned to prose. The evolution of Greek Historiography began out of a necessity to fill in crucial gaps in historical events, timelines; the Homeric Poems and stories from bards filled with mythological gods, and undeniable inaccuracies required elimination. The gradual elimination of deities and a quest for accurate and reliable sources from historians such as Herodotus, Thucydides, and Polybius shaped the way history was written and reported in Greece. Those historians who were critical of their predecessors and questioned the validity of existing history helped shape the perception of history and aided in the evolution of Greek historiography.  

 

What do you think of Greek historiography? Let us know below.

Now you can read James’ article on fascism in 1930s America here.


[1] Ernst Breisach, Historiography: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, 3rd ed Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 2007, 5.

[2] A.E. Wardman, "Myth in Greek Historiography." Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 9, no. 4, 403.

[3] Arnaldo Modigliani, "Greek Historiography." History and Theory 17, no. 1, 2.

[4] Kurt Von Fritz, "Herodotus and the Growth of Greek Historiography." Transactions and Proceedings 

of the American Philological Association 67, 315.

[5] Fritz, 315.

[6] Wardman, 404.

[7] Encyclopedia Britannica

[8] Donald R. Kelly, Versions of History from Antiquity to the Enlightenment. New Haven: Yale University Press, 18.

[9] Breisach, 14.

[10] Ernst Breisach, 31.

[11] Momigliano, 8.

[12] Momigliano, 10. 

Bibliography

Breisach, Ernst. 1994. Historiography : Ancient, Medieval, and Modern. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Accessed December 8, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Kelley, Donald R., ed. 1991. Versions of History from Antiquity to the Enlightenment. New Haven: Yale University Press. Accessed December 8, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Momigliano, Arnaldo. "Greek Historiography." History and Theory 17, no. 1 (1978): 1-28. Accessed December 9, 2020. doi:10.2307/2504899.

Wardman, A. E. "Myth in Greek Historiography." Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 9, no. 4 (1960): 403-13. Accessed December 9, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4434671.

Von Fritz, Kurt. "Herodotus and the Growth of Greek Historiography." Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 67 (1936): 315-40. Accessed December 9, 2020. doi:10.2307/283244.

"Historiography - Greek Historiography." Encyclopedia Britannica. Accessed December 8, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/topic/historiography/Greek-historiography.

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AuthorGeorge Levrier-Jones
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