Captured by the Comanche in the American West in the 1830s: The Story of Cynthia Ann Parker

In the year 1833 the Parker family moved to Texas, the beneficiaries of large acres of free land, given in the hope that they would establish a settlement in country that at the time was still in contestation between the Mexican government and the United States. They built a fort and homes in what was then one of the most sparsely occupied areas in the state, on the edge of Native American territory. At the time Texas was at the edge of America, and skirmishes were frequent, in particular raids from the feared warrior society of the Comanches. The Comanche were struggling not only with white settlers but many other bands of Native American who had been displaced and forced onto the Plains by rapid American expansion. Their way of life was under threat and they retaliated. Despite this the Parkers, unfortunately, overestimated their safety.

Erin Bienvenu explains the story of the capture of Cynthia Ann Parker.

Cynthia Ann Parker and daughter, Topsannah (Prairie Flower). Image taken around 1861.

Fort Parker Massacre

The morning of May 19, 1836 began normally enough for the extended Parker family. They were busy working on their farms and getting their families ready for another day. Cynthia Ann, nearly nine years old, the oldest child of Silas and Lucinda, was with her mother and three siblings. Inexplicably, despite the dangers of the Texas frontier, the large gate of the fort had been left open.

The morning was soon interrupted by a large group of Comanches who appeared bearing a white flag and professing peace. The Parker men suspected their motives but Benjamin Parker, Cynthia Ann’s Uncle, bravely went out to speak with them. He hoped he could give the women and children enough time to hide in the surrounding woods but he was quickly killed and the Comanches descended on the fort and surrounding farms.

At the end of what became known as the Fort Parker Massacre, five men were dead, including Silas, and the Comanche had taken five hostages: Cynthia Ann, her younger brother John, their cousin Rachel Plummer, her son James, and their Aunt Elizabeth Kellogg. For the captives the days and nights that followed were horrific, they were repeatedly beaten, starved, and the older women raped.

Eventually, after several days of hard riding, the captives were separated and sent to different bands. As fertility rates were low amongst the Comanche, due to their nomadic life style which required almost daily riding, captive children were often adopted by families who had lost a child. This is what happened to Cynthia Ann.

Her childhood then began anew as she was immersed in Comanche culture, taught such practicalities as how to sew buckskin and gather firewood, and how to speak the language. She would also have learnt about the tribe’s customs, religious beliefs, and been raised in preparation for marriage and motherhood.

Life with the Comanche

In 1842 John and James were ransomed back to their families and a few years later Cynthia Ann was discovered by Leonard Williams, a Native American agent. She was said to have ‘wept incessantly’ and tried to hide from Williams, though he offered a substantial ransom for her return. However, the Comanche refused to give her up.

In the years that followed more ransoms were offered but all were refused, often by Cynthia Ann herself. She was now married to a warrior who had participated in her capture, Peta Nocona, and they had three children. She also had a new name, Naduah, which meant ‘someone found.’ She was completely integrated into Comanche life and even her brother John could not persuade her to return. She had already been separated from one family, and she would not be taken from another.

Cynthia Ann and her family were constantly on the move, it was a hard life and she was in charge of most of the work. One of her main tasks was to prepare the buffalo hunted by her husband. Not one part of the huge animal was wasted and Cynthia Ann became a skilled tanner. It was dirty, time-consuming work, but she also found joy in the lives of her children - two boys, Quanah and Peanuts (so named because of her fond memories of eating the nuts during her childhood at the Fort) and daughter, Topsannah (Prairie Flower). Her husband was also a skilled warrior and the family was considered to be quite wealthy in Comanche society.

Return to the Parker Family

In 1860 in retaliation for Peta Nocona’s constant raids on white settlements, his tribe were attacked by a group of Texas Rangers led by Captain Lawrence Sullivan Ross.

Cynthia Ann attempted to flee on horseback but was stopped by Ross who, to his great surprise, realised she was a white woman. He declared that Peta Nocona had been killed during the battle and Cynthia Ann had wept over his body, though their son Quanah was to claim his father had died at a later date.

The rangers took Cynthia Ann and her young daughter to Fort Cooper, though she made repeated attempts to escape. Once again, she found herself violently taken from all she knew, her family and her home, forced to assimilate to a culture and language she had largely forgotten. Despite speaking in a mixture of Comanche and Spanish she did recall the massacre at Fort Parker, and her birth name, responding when called ‘Cynthia Ann.’

She was treated as a curiosity by all who saw her and at one stage, under the ‘care’ of her Uncle Isaac was even put on display so that the citizens of Texas could come and stare at her. She tried repeatedly to run away from Isaac’s home. He, and her wider family, could not understand her longing to return to her Comanche life. They expected her to immediately accept the way of life she had left aged nine, to re-adopt their language, dress and religion, but Cynthia Ann would not comply. Consequently, she was treated by her family, and the wider community, as a woman who did not know her right mind.

Eventually she was sent to live with her brother Silas Jr, but her situation did not improve. Around this time a photograph was taken of Cynthia Ann, in which she is nursing Topsannah with her hair cut short, a symbol of Comanche mourning. She was grieving not only her husband, but her two sons, who she believed were lost on the prairie. When Silas joined the Confederate army Cynthia Ann was sent to live with a different set of relatives, this time her sister, Orlena. Here, life was a little better. There were more sympathetic people to speak with and she earned a reputation as a hard worker and expert tanner. She remained, however, largely unhappy and would frequently lament the loss of her sons, often cutting herself in the traditional Comanche way of expressing grief. The Parker’s promised her that when the Civil War ended, they would take her to find her sons, but as time wore on, she began to realise their promises were empty.

Then in about 1864 Topsannah died from pneumonia and a grief-stricken Cynthia Ann lost all hope. It is believed she died of complications probably bought on by self-starvation around 1870.

Conclusion

Cynthia Ann left no written account of her life, or her feelings about her experiences, what little we do know about her was told through the eyes of those that briefly encountered her, but who often had their own agendas when it came to telling her story. Her son Quanah, regarded as the last of the great Comanche Chiefs, remembered her as “a good woman” who he “always cherished.” Hers was a life between two worlds and, as it was for many people in the early history of the American West, one marked by frontier violence and tragic misunderstanding.

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References

https://archive.org/details/rachelplummernar00park/page/16/mode/2up?q=cyntha

https://ir.library.louisville.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4492&context=etd

https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth85556/m1/2/zoom/?q=cynthia%20ann%20parker&resolution=2.565054159331353&lat=3373.065552681177&lon=3245.6007365528353

https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth583180/m1/14/zoom/?q=%22cynthia%20ann%20parker%22~1&resolution=2.1904496702355107&lat=3009.330046382758&lon=3003.1985262518583

Exley, Jo Ella Powell (2001), Frontier Blood: The Saga of the Parker Family. Texas A&M University Press

Frankel, Glenn (2013), The Searchers: The Making of an American Legend. New York: Bloomsbury

Gwynne, S.C. (2011), Empire of the Summer Moon: Quanah Parker and the Rise and Fall of the Comanche Tribe. London: Constable

Michno, Gregory & Susan (2007), A Fate Worse Than Death: Indian Captives in the West, 1830-1835. Idaho: Caxton Press

The Battle of Gettysburg - Part I: General Lee’s Advance to Pennsylvania

In late May 1863, the Confederacy was facing a challenging situation. Despite General Robert E Lee's success in defeating the Union forces in almost every major battle, the war's progress remained stagnant along the Rappahannock River. The Confederacy had not made significant gains despite the intense fighting. On the other hand, the Western Theater had experienced substantial territorial losses, particularly in Louisiana, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The fall of Vicksburg and western Mississippi seemed imminent. It was evident that a dramatic shift was necessary to alter the course of the war while maintaining the people's confidence in the government and military. The war had already surpassed the South's expectations in terms of duration, and resources were depleting rapidly.

Lloyd W Klein explains.

Confederate troops battling Union forces in the first day at the Battle of Gettysburg. On the left background is the Railroad Cut; on the right is the Lutheran Seminary. In the background is Gettysburg.

The Rationale

Recognizing the urgency of the situation, President Davis invited General Lee to Richmond for a three-day meeting with his cabinet on May 26. The purpose of this meeting was to discuss their plans and devise a strategy to turn the tide of the war. It is crucial to understand the significance of the Battle of Gettysburg within the broader context of the war. It was seen as a final attempt to secure victory on the battlefield. General Lee aimed to provoke a large-scale battle that could potentially be decisive. The intention was to divert attention from the Western Theater and instigate a battle in the East that could alter the war's trajectory. Building on his previous victories at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, Lee proposed taking the war into Northern territory. While General Grant was closing in on Vicksburg, there were discussions about detaching General Longstreet's corps and sending them to assist General Pemberton. However, it was increasingly apparent that Vicksburg was already lost. Lee suggested the alternative: retain Longstreet in his army and launch an invasion of Pennsylvania, hoping to achieve a breakthrough.

There were two main objectives in mind for this operation. Firstly, it aimed to remove the war from central Virginia during the summer months. Additionally, the hope was to secure a victory in a battle north of the Mason-Dixon Line, which would potentially lead to the recognition of the Confederacy by France and Britain. Another crucial objective was to provide the Army of Northern Virginia with essential resources such as food, forage, horses, and other supplies from the fertile farmlands of Pennsylvania. This was necessary as the Quartermaster and Subsistence Departments were struggling to meet the increasing demand due to the blockade's significant impact. Alongside these objectives, there were several other goals to be achieved. These included diverting the Union Army of the Potomac away from the Rappahannock River line, disrupting any offensive plans General Joseph Hooker may have had, driving Union occupation forces out of Winchester and the lower Shenandoah Valley, drawing Union forces away from other theaters, and ultimately dealing a decisive blow to Northern morale.

Lee's unwavering confidence in his army led him to believe that if he could secure advantageous terrain, the Army of Northern Virginia (ANV) would triumph over the Army of the Potomac (AoP). This perception fueled his hope that such a victory would compel the war-weary North to seek peace, potentially serving as a decisive military maneuver to showcase the Southern will for independence to Great Britain and France.

However, Lee's strategic approach was marred by a series of misconceptions regarding the state of morale in the North, which ultimately shaped his flawed strategy and resulted in miscalculations. One of these misinterpretations was his misunderstanding of Northern sentiment, as he mistakenly believed that the general public in the North was fatigued by the ongoing conflict. Consequently, he failed to grasp the unwavering determination of the Lincoln Administration to persevere in the face of adversity. This misjudgment of the North's resolve played a significant role in shaping Lee's flawed assumptions and strategic decisions.

Reorganization

Following Chancellorsville and the mortal wounding of Stonewall Jackson, General Lee undertook a significant reorganization of his forces. To strengthen his army, Lee decided to create three Corps instead of the previous two. As part of this restructuring, he promoted AP Hill to command the newly formed 3rd Corps, while Richard Ewell assumed leadership of the 2nd Corps. James Longstreet remained in charge of the 1st Corps.

Before the Battle of Gettysburg, Lee's army had suffered significant losses in terms of both brigade and regimental commanders. Out of the 28 brigades that participated in the Chancellorsville campaign, a staggering nine of them lost their commanders during the battle. Furthermore, three of these brigades experienced the loss of multiple commanders. Additionally, the ANV lost 64 out of its 130 regimental commanders. Consequently, many of Lee's brigades entered the Gettysburg campaign with inexperienced unit commanders, which would have a noticeable impact on the outcome of the battle.

As part of the reorganization efforts, Lee made a crucial decision to disband the army's reserve artillery and redistribute its batteries to the infantry corps. This adjustment allowed each corps to have five artillery battalions at its disposal, granting them the flexibility to assign these battalions to the infantry divisions or retain them under the command of the corps. Although this change in the command structure may have appeared insignificant at first glance, it would prove to have significant implications on July 3rd, during the Battle of Gettysburg.

Was the ANV Designed for a Northern Invasion?

Lee's Army was not designed to leave the confines of Virginia due to several factors. Firstly, Lee had limited intelligence operations compared to his Union counterparts. Instead of having a dedicated intelligence service like the Bureau of Military Intelligence, Lee relied on three main sources for information: the civilians of Virginia, Stuart's Cavalry, and his staff. However, when Lee moved north, he left behind his most valuable intelligence source - the civilians of Virginia. These civilians not only provided crucial information but also aided in the communication and navigation of local roads and geography. This decision may have been influenced by the fact that Lee heavily relied on his cavalry for intelligence and did not trust information from other sources. This deficit in intelligence gathering put Lee at a significant disadvantage. The CSA had very few covert operatives in the north. Lee primarily used individual undercover agents to provide intelligence, usually assigned to one of his subordinate generals, most famously Henry Harrison. Lee depended strongly on his cavalry and never trusted actual intelligence from other sources.

Lee may have overlooked the political landscape of the areas he intended to invade. While there were a significant number of KGC operatives and Copperheads in Baltimore, western Maryland, and southern Pennsylvania, these regions were predominantly pro-Union. This meant that Lee would face strong opposition and limited support from the local population in these areas. Overlooking this factor could have further contributed to the challenges Lee encountered when attempting to expand his operations beyond Virginia.

Another limitation was that his staff was too small to plan and coordinate a foray into enemy territory. Lee had a very small staff to manage his corps movements, so when he needed them to regroup, it took several days.  These 6 men comprised all of Lee’s staff

·      Chief of Staff, Inspector General: Col. Robert H. Chilton

·      Chief of Artillery: Brig. Gen. William N. Pendleton

·      Aide de Camp, Asst. Adjutant General: Lt. Col. Walter H. Taylor

·      Aide de Camp, Asst. Military Secretary: Maj. Charles Marshall

·      Aide de camp, Asst. Inspector General: Maj. Charles S. Venable

·      Engineer Officer: Capt. Samuel R. Johnston

This would repeatedly be a limitation: his command and control at critical moments was inadequate, and he lacked sufficient staff to maintain communications with corps leaders.

Lee faced significant logistical challenges during the Pennsylvania Campaign due to his lack of adequate supply support. Unlike the Union forces, who had the advantage of utilizing railroads and rivers for transportation, Lee had to rely on a primitive system. With no railroads or rivers available to him, Lee's only option was to transport his supplies over land using horse and mule-drawn wagons. This resulted in a lengthy and vulnerable supply line, which posed a major hindrance to his operations.

One of the key issues that Lee encountered was the dependency on a long supply line that relied on horse and mule-drawn wagons. This meant that his forces had to cover a significant distance to transport essential provisions and equipment. The reliance on such a method of transportation not only slowed down the movement of supplies but also made them susceptible to attacks and disruptions along the way.

Lee's forces suffered from a shortage of long-range artillery ammunition, which severely limited their ability to sustain multiple attacks during the campaign. This deficiency became evident during Pickett's charge, where the lack of sufficient ammunition hindered their offensive capabilities. Lee also lacked the availability of pontoons over the Potomac River, which provided a crucial emergency crossing point. This would become evident in his retreat after the battle.

Lee’s heavy reliance on horse and mule-drawn wagons led to a lengthy and vulnerable supply line, insufficient long-range artillery ammunition, challenges in transporting captured goods, and limited emergency crossing options. These logistical challenges significantly impacted Lee's ability to sustain his offensive campaign and ultimately contributed to his setbacks in the Pennsylvania Campaign.

Lee faced significant logistical challenges in transporting supplies to Gettysburg and Harrisburg. The route spanned 125 miles from Winchester, and even more to Harrisburg, requiring wagons pulled by either four horses or six mules. These wagons had a carrying capacity of 2000-2500 pounds but moved at a slow pace of about 3 miles per hour, which could be further reduced by unfavorable road conditions. The animals themselves had substantial needs, with mules requiring 9 pounds of grain, 10 pounds of fodder, and 12 gallons of water daily, while horses needed 14 pounds of grain, 14 pounds of fodder, and 10 gallons of water. Additionally, the animals required horseshoes, which required manpower to apply. The waste disposal issue was also daunting, with each animal producing 10 pounds of manure and 2 gallons of urine daily. Failing to properly care for the animals would result in decreased efficiency, as they would move more slowly and carry less until they eventually broke down, rendering the army immobile. The sheer size of Lee's trains, stretching for dozens of miles, further complicated matters as infantry and artillery had to share the same roads as the wagons, leading to traffic congestion and delays. The meticulous administration of the order of march was necessary to prevent pile-ups at crossroads, requiring significant labor. Overall, these logistical challenges posed a nightmare for Lee, impacting the timing of Longstreet's arrival on the field, the availability of weapons and armaments, the organization of the three corps in battle, and the retreat after the battle.

General Lee relied on an incomplete map during the Battle of Gettysburg, as he did not possess a detailed map of the town itself. The map he had was a product of the efforts of Jedediah Hotchkiss, a topographical engineer, who had been tasked with creating a small-scale map of the region encompassing northern Virginia, central Maryland, and south-central Pennsylvania. Due to the vast scope of the project and limited time, Hotchkiss had to rely on Pennsylvania county maps to complete the map. He meticulously penciled a grid on a heavy watercolor paper and transcribed the map onto this grid, resulting in a visually appealing yet incomplete representation of the area.

The map used by General Lee was crafted on cream-colored paper and featured red pencil lines to denote roadways, blue markings for rivers and streams, and black ink for the names of towns, mills, blacksmith shops, and major topographical features. The attention to detail extended to including the names of every rural resident in impeccable handwriting. However, despite its aesthetic appeal, the map lacked crucial information such as mild declivities, small hillocks, woods, road surfaces, and fording sites. Additionally, it failed to depict the now-famous landmarks of the battle, including Seminary Ridge, Culp's Hill, Cemetery Hill, and Little Round Top.

The absence of comprehensive maps placed the ANV at a significant disadvantage, particularly when a thorough understanding of the local geography was crucial. These omissions had consequences during the battle. On July 1, two regiments from Confederate Brigadier General Joseph R. Davis's brigade were lost when his soldiers unexpectedly jumped into an unmapped twenty-foot-deep railroad cut and were subsequently captured by Colonel Rufus R. Dawes's 6th Wisconsin Regiment. On July 2, as Lee strategized to encircle Meade's left flank, his engineer, Captain Samuel R. Johnston, claimed to have ridden to Little Round Top and found it unoccupied. However, the area was teeming with Union troops. Likely, Johnston had mistakenly identified Warfield Ridge or Houck's Ridge as being vacant. Furthermore, when Johnston was tasked with guiding Hood's and McLaws's divisions to the southern end of the battlefield in preparation for an early afternoon assault on the Union left, he had to retrace his steps and march in the opposite direction due to his lack of a map and his misunderstanding of the area's topographical features. Lastly, the map itself did not accurately depict the Round Tops, nor did it adequately represent the undulating and wooded regions east of the Emmitsburg Road, including the terrain surrounding Weikert's and Trestle's farms, Rose's Woods, the Wheat Field, and the valley between Houck's Ridge and Little Round Top.

The Invasion Begins

On June 3rd, the ANV initiated their departure from Fredericksburg, marking the beginning of their movement. The initial phase of their march led them to Culpeper Court House, to advance further to the Shenandoah Valley while being shielded by the cavalry division under the command of Maj. Gen. J.E.B. Stuart. However, the Union cavalry, led by Maj. Gen. Alfred Pleasonton detected Stuart's concentration. Believing that Stuart was planning a raid towards Washington from his right flank, Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker, the commander of the AoP, instructed Pleasonton to cross the Rappahannock River and eliminate the Confederate cavalry.

The Battle of Brandy Station

Taking place on the 9th of June, 1863, the Battle of Brandy Station emerged as the largest cavalry engagement of the Civil War. In a surprise attack at dawn, Pleasonton launched columns across the Rappahannock at Beverly Ford and Kelly's Ford. Following the successful crossing at Beverly Ford, the Union troopers launched an assault on Stuart's camp near a rail station known as Brandy Station on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. The Confederate forces swiftly regrouped, and the Union troops encountered fierce resistance at St. James Church and the Richard Cunningham farm. Simultaneously, the Union cavalry divided, with one division advancing towards Brandy Station and the other heading to Stevensburg. The arrival of Union cavalry at Brandy Station posed a threat to Stuart's rear position, prompting him to skillfully maneuver his brigades. The ensuing clash between the two sides occurred in mounted combat on a lengthy, undulating ridge named Fleetwood Hill, situated near the station. Meanwhile, Pleasonton's forces at Stevensburg faced obstacles from Confederate horsemen and were unable to penetrate Stuart's defenses. After enduring fourteen hours of intense fighting, Pleasonton ultimately withdrew from the field.

The Union suffered a total of 907 casualties, including 69 killed, 352 wounded, and 486 missing or captured, out of approximately 11,000 troops. The Confederates had 523 casualties out of about 9,500 troops. Consequently, the battle can be considered inconclusive. Union forces withdrew without discovering Lee's infantry camped near Culpeper, which was the mission assigned to Stuart. Nevertheless, Hooker deduced that if Stuart had ventured that far north, Lee must be planning a further northward movement into Maryland. Consequently, Hooker promptly initiated the movement of the AoP across the Potomac River, well before Stuart commenced his ride around the Union Army. Therefore, many argue that it was a strategic victory for the Union. Stuart, however, contended that the battle constituted a tactical victory for the Confederates since they had fewer casualties, held the field at the end of the day, and successfully repelled Pleasonton's attack. Nevertheless, General Stuart suffered a significant blow to his reputation in the Court of Public Opinion. He fell victim to two surprise attacks, which the cavalry was expected to prevent. The Southern press generally expressed dissatisfaction with the outcome, and subordinate officers criticized Pleasonton for not aggressively defeating Stuart. Although Hooker had ordered Pleasonton to "disperse and destroy" the Confederate cavalry near Culpeper, Pleasonton justified his actions by claiming that he had only been instructed to conduct a "reconnaissance in force toward Culpeper." Consequently, Pleasonton did not gain much reputationally from this battle. It is worth noting that this battle marked the end of the Confederate cavalry's dominance in the Eastern theater of the war. From this point onward, the Federal cavalry grew stronger and more confident. Therefore, from this perspective, it can be considered a limited operational victory for the Union.

The Early Stages of the Campaign

To maintain the illusion that he was still at Marye's Heights in Fredericksburg, Lee had to ensure that Hooker remained unaware of his northward movement. To achieve this, Lee left AP Hill behind and protect Richmond, effectively holding back Sedgwick and the VI Corps. Although Hooker was aware that Lee was on the move, he lacked precise information regarding its route and destination.

Lee's strategic position was precarious, as his forces were dangerously spread out. On June 12th, the Confederate army extended over a vast expanse of 70 land miles, with no direct roads connecting its wings. If Hooker had been privy to Lee's position on that day, the Confederate general would have been highly vulnerable. However, Stuart, the Confederate cavalry commander, skillfully concealed this vulnerability. A series of battles with Union cavalry prevented them from ascertaining the location and strength of Lee's army, thus obscuring its direction and ultimate objective:

Battle of Winchester (Second Battle of Winchester) (June 13–15, 1863): This battle occurred in Winchester, Virginia, which was a strategic town in the Shenandoah Valley. Confederate General Richard Ewell's forces defeated Union General Robert Milroy's garrison, securing control of the area.

Battle of Aldie (June 17, 1863): The Battle of Aldie was part of the wider cavalry engagements known as the Battle of Middleburg, which occurred as part of the Gettysburg campaign. Union and Confederate cavalry clashed in fierce fighting as they vied for control of key positions.

Battle of Middleburg (June 17–19, 1863): The Battle of Middleburg took place near the town of Middleburg, Virginia. It involved both mounted and dismounted actions between Union and Confederate cavalry forces.

Although the movement north is often portrayed as a display of Lee’s cunning while Hooker was deceived, both sides were screened from the other. Both sides were effectively screened from each other. Moreover, it was widely known that Lee intended to invade, prompting Hooker to make numerous attempts to locate the ANV. Maj Gen Sharpe of the BMI had early on suggested that Lee would move in a northwesterly direction, a prediction that proved to be accurate. In light of this information, Hooker dispatched several cavalry patrols in search of Lee. On June 5, Brig Gen John Buford reported Confederate cavalry presence in Culpepper, which led to Sharpe's one error in intelligence assessment, suggesting that the northward movement might only be a cavalry raid. Despite the efforts of brigades led by Gregg, Munford, and Duffie to locate Lee, the Rebel cavalry remained elusive. It is important to acknowledge that Hooker did what he could, but his cavalry ultimately failed to outmaneuver Stuart. With this phase of the campaign concluded Lee was now prepared to cross the Potomac River and proceed into Maryland.

JEB Stuart gets lost

One of the most controversial aspects of the Gettysburg Campaign was Jeb Stuart’s absence after crossing the Potomac until July 2nd. His absence had significant consequences, as it left Lee without crucial cavalry reconnaissance and intelligence. The lack of information regarding the Union Army's strength, positions, and intentions greatly impacted Lee's decision-making process and contributed to the uncertainties he faced in the initial stages of the battle. Many historians speculate that if Stuart had effectively screened the front of the Army of Northern Virginia, Lee would not have been caught off guard by the proximity of the AoP, and the Battle of Gettysburg might have unfolded differently. Stuart's desire to redeem himself after the surprise attack at Brandy Station and his eagerness to outmaneuver the Union army led him to attempt to circumnavigate the enemy once again. However, his plans were hindered by encounters with Union troops, forcing him to deviate from his intended path and ultimately leaving him unable to effectively screen General Ewell's right flank.

The orders given by Lee to Stuart on June 22 have sparked controversy ever since. Stuart, upon separating from the main force on June 23, was granted permission by Lee to ride around the Union army unhindered, cross the Potomac River, and provide cover for the right flank of Ewell's Corps as it marched north. However, Stuart's movement on June 25 was met with opposition from the Union 2nd Corps near Haymarket, Virginia, preventing him from advancing northward. Despite this setback, Stuart decided to press on. His original intention was to circumvent the Union army by starting from its rear, but to his surprise, the Union army shifted northward, turning his position into its eastern flank. Encountering more Union troops near Fairfax Court House, Stuart was forced to move further eastward and could not turn north until reaching Rowser's Ford on the Potomac River. As a result, Stuart found himself positioned to the east of the Union army, unable to effectively screen Ewell's right flank.

Stuart had taken his three most capable cavalry brigades, leaving the remaining two brigades without strong leadership. Approximately 5000 cavalry troops were left behind with Lee, and the commander of this force was aware that Hooker had crossed the Potomac River between June 25 and 27. However, this crucial information was not relayed to Generals Longstreet and Lee, leaving them without reliable reconnaissance. Stuart did send a dispatch to General Lee on June 27, informing him of Hooker's crossing, but it never reached him. A copy of the dispatch did reach Richmond, but no one there took the initiative to confirm this information with the Commanding General.

Lee specifically instructed Stuart to move northward, protect the Confederate army's right flank, and maintain communication with Lee's forces. It was crucial for Stuart to keep the Army of Northern Virginia (ANV) informed about the movements and activities of the Union Army, as well as act as a screen to prevent the Union forces from gathering intelligence on Lee's army. Lee emphasized the importance of timely and accurate information, and he also wanted Stuart to leave enough cavalry behind to cover the mountain passes in the army's rear and protect Ewell's advance with the rest of his force. However, beyond these instructions, Stuart had considerable discretion in how he accomplished these objectives.

Stuart's interpretation of the orders differed from Lee's intentions due to his ambitions and the allure of bypassing the AoP. Instead of maintaining close contact with Lee's army, Stuart embarked on an extensive raid around the Union forces. Lee had specifically directed Stuart to safeguard the mountain passes with a portion of his force while the ANV was still positioned south of the Potomac River. Subsequently, Stuart was supposed to cross the river with the remaining troops and protect the right flank of Ewell's Second Corps. However, Stuart opted for an alternative route, choosing to lead his three best brigades between the AoP and Washington. He proceeded northward through Rockville to Westminster and eventually into Pennsylvania, to seize supplies and cause disruption near the enemy capital. Instead of taking a more direct path north near the Blue Ridge Mountains, Stuart decided to reach Ewell's flank by taking his three best brigades, namely those commanded by Brig. Gen. Wade Hampton, Brig. Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, and Col. John R. Chambliss (who replaced the injured Brig. Gen. W.H.F. "Rooney" Lee), between the Union army and Washington. This strategic choice was made in the hopes of capturing supplies along the way and creating chaos near the enemy capital.

Furthermore, despite Stuart's direct orders for Brigadier General Beverly Robertson to join Lee's forces when General Hooker advanced, Robertson displayed a lackadaisical approach to his duties. Instead, Robertson focused on guarding the mountain gaps and the baggage train, ultimately failing to arrive at the battle. The brigades that Stuart left behind included Imboden's Valley brigade, which was temporarily attached to the army and more accustomed to partisan activities, as well as the two "regular" brigades of Robertson and Jones. Robertson was regarded as the outcast of the ANV's cavalry command, having previously been dismissed, while Jones, although competent, earned the nickname "Grumble" due to his difficult nature. Lee did not place as much trust in these brigades or their commanders compared to Stuart and the three brigades he chose to accompany him.

Stuart and his three brigades at 1 a.m. on June 25. Unfortunately for Stuart's plan, the Union army's movement to defend Washington and Baltimore was underway, so his proposed route was blocked by columns of Federal infantry, forcing him to veer farther to the east than either he or General Lee had anticipated. This prevented Stuart from linking up with Ewell as ordered and deprived Lee of the use of his prime cavalry force, the "eyes, and ears" of the army while advancing into unfamiliar enemy territory.

Stuart's decision to seize a wagon train at Rockville, Maryland on June 28, 1863, was motivated by various factors. Stuart believed that capturing the wagon train would provide the Confederate army with valuable supplies and provisions, such as food, ammunition, and other resources necessary for their operations. Additionally, Stuart may have seen this as an opportunity to disrupt the Union's supply lines, causing panic and confusion among their forces. By inflicting damage and depriving the enemy of vital supplies, Stuart aimed to weaken the Union's logistical capabilities and potentially hinder their ability to respond effectively. Moreover, capturing such a significant wagon train could have boosted Confederate morale and showcased Stuart's cavalry as a formidable force. It could have been a way for Stuart to demonstrate his effectiveness as a commander and restore his reputation, which had been tarnished by earlier criticisms in southern newspapers. However, it is important to note that Stuart's decision to prioritize capturing the wagon train over gathering critical intelligence on the Union army's movements further delayed his reunion with General Robert E. Lee's forces. Although this train would have posed a logistical hindrance to Stuart's advance, he interpreted Lee's orders as emphasizing the importance of acquiring supplies. This interpretation aligns with Lee's campaign objectives and goals, justifying Stuart's actions.

Part of the reason for Stuart’s tardiness was that he was caught up in the rear and flank of the Union army.  From the time he crossed the Potomac to arriving at Gettysburg required nearly 8 days of non-stop marching for over 200 miles and fighting nearly every day.  Stuart engaged in 4 skirmishes and 3 actual battles trying to make his way to find Ewell. Skirmishes included Thoroughfare Gap June 25, Fairfax Courthouse June 27, Rockville June 28, and Westminster June 29; Battles at Hanover June 30, Hunterstown July 2, and Carlisle July 2. Few accounts of Stuart’s ride note that he faced genuine challenges and required astute tactics to ensure the preservation of his command.

On June 30, General Jubal Early, who would later blame other Confederate generals for the loss at Gettysburg, including Stuart, heard the sounds of battle at Hanover. Despite being aware that Stuart was supposed to be locating him, Early made no effort to ascertain the identity of the combatants. Remarkably, Early was within a mere 5 miles of the battle, and had he made contact, Stuart could have arrived at Gettysburg on July 1.

The Plan of Invasion

The ANV traversed the Blue Ridge Mountains and advanced north through the Shenandoah Valley, capturing the Union garrison at Winchester, in the Second Battle of Winchester, June 13–15, 1863. After crossing the Potomac at Falling Waters, Lee made the strategic decision to divide his forces during their march northward to maintain secrecy regarding their exact location and to sow confusion among the occupied areas. Lee aimed to demonstrate to the people of the North that he held the advantage in the conflict. Additionally, the division of forces was necessary for the procurement of supplies and helped to prevent traffic congestion. It also hinted at Lee's intention to engage in open battle rather than launching a direct assault on a fort or initiating a siege of a city. However, the chosen western route seems indirect if Lee's ultimate goal was to target Baltimore, Washington, or Philadelphia. It is often suggested that Harrisburg was his intended objective, but if so, he was planning on its capture with just one corps. Ewell had swiftly advanced northward towards Harrisburg, while Longstreet remained concealed behind South Mountain until their exit at Cashtown.

However, the AoP was in pursuit and had reached Frederick, Maryland, before Lee realized his opponent had crossed the Potomac. General Hooker had to anticipate a potential attack on Washington or Baltimore. He took measures to defend these crucial locations by mobilizing as many troops as possible. In the absence of concrete information, Hooker made the prudent decision to concentrate his forces and secure the roads leading to the capital to thwart any potential assault. Given the circumstances, Hooker's decision to remain centrally located was the correct course of action.

Meade takes over

After Chancellorsville, calls for Hooker to be replaced were widespread. With Lee on the move, somewhere, and realizing that a major battle was soon to take place, a decision had to be made by Lincoln and Stanton. Darius Couch, as second in command, would have been the obvious choice to replace Hooker, and Lincoln offered him the position. Couch instead resigned his post to create the Department of the Susquehanna, where he brilliantly held off General Gordon with the militia at Sporting Hill on June 30. He recommended Meade instead.

Following Couch's refusal, President Lincoln held a private meeting with Major General John Reynolds on June 2, during which he reportedly inquired about Reynolds' willingness to assume command of the Army of the Potomac. Reynolds, however, expressed his readiness to accept the position only if he could operate independently and free from the political influences that had plagued previous commanders. Understandably, Lincoln could not agree to such a condition, leading to an impasse in their discussion.

The lack of confidence in General Hooker expressed by his senior officers, as well as by General-in-chief Henry Halleck, further exacerbated the situation. Hooker suggested the evacuation of Harper's Ferry and the consolidation of his forces, but his demand to regain control of the garrison or else resign provided Secretary of War Stanton and President Lincoln with the perfect opportunity to accept his resignation. In a moment of impulse, Hooker tendered his resignation, which was promptly accepted. Subsequently, when General Meade assumed command, he immediately made the same request and was granted the authority over the garrison.

Stanton dispatched a civilian engineer, Herman Haupt, his chief of railroads, to oversee the management of the railroads, including the civilian lines. This individual possessed extensive knowledge of the area and coincidentally owned a house in Gettysburg.. On June 30, he informed General Halleck that the Confederates were planning to gather near that vicinity. On July 1, he strategically utilized a single-track line and organized the operation of 5 or 6 10-car trains, one after another, to swiftly transport goods from Baltimore to Westminster. He also instructed Meade's quartermasters to have troops prepared to unload the cargo upon arrival and promptly send the trains back. To ensure effective communication in the absence of functioning telegraph lines, he established a communication line resembling a pony express system that followed the tracks. By July 3, this well-coordinated operation had successfully transported 1500 tons of cargo to the battlefield and returned 2000 wounded soldiers to hospitals in Baltimore. Notably, when President Lincoln delivered his address in November, he traveled by train from Baltimore to Gettysburg on the same line.

Henry Thomas Harrison

On the evening of June 28th, Lee was informed by a spy that Hooker had been replaced by Meade and that Meade was moving toward him. The spy, a diminutive actor who worked with General Longstreet, was known to provide highly accurate information. General Lee had to swiftly adapt his strategies. Recognizing that Meade was a cautious and meticulous commander who was unlikely to make any major errors, Lee needed to devise a more careful plan. The immediate priority was to ensure the concentration of his widely dispersed army, which extended from Chambersburg to Harrisburg. The initial step in this process was to gather his army in a centralized location. Consequently, Lee directed his troops to converge around the crossroads towns of Cashtown and Gettysburg.

Pipe Creek Circular

Meanwhile, Meade decided that his best course of action was to stop looking for Lee and instead let Lee look for him. On June 30, Meade relocated his headquarters to Taneytown, MD, and issued two orders. The first order, known as the Pipe Creek Circular, outlined the construction of a defensive perimeter, while the second order directed a general advance toward Gettysburg starting on July 1. Gettysburg was located between 5 to 25 miles away from each of Meade's seven infantry corps. The Pipe Creek Line served as a defensive barrier to protect against potential attacks on Baltimore and Washington D.C. It also acted as a reserve line in case a retreat from Gettysburg became necessary for the Union forces.

The Pipe Creek Line was positioned just north of Westminster, Maryland, and held strategic importance for the AoP.: the Western Maryland Railroad had its terminus in Westminster, making it the primary supply line for the army in the region, including Gettysburg. Safeguarding this crucial supply route was of utmost importance. The Pipe Creek Line followed Parr Ridge, a significant ridge that stretched from Manchester in the east to Middleburg in the west, running on an east/west axis. Except for some lower ground near Middleburg, the entire position was situated on high ground that was easily defensible. It was believed that this strong position would be nearly impregnable unless Lee could successfully flank it.

The Day Before. Brig Gen John Buford arrived in Gettysburg on the morning of June 30, accompanied by 2 cavalry brigades and approximately 3000 soldiers. Upon his arrival, he was informed by residents that Confederate soldiers were in the vicinity. One of AP Hill's brigades, led by Brig Gen. J. Johnston Pettigrew, ventured towards Gettysburg. According to the memoirs of Maj. Gen. Henry Heth, Pettigrew's division commander, Pettigrew was sent to search for supplies, particularly shoes, in the town. With a brigade of 2700 men, Pettigrew conducted a scouting movement. During this movement, he encountered a physician named Dr John O'Neal, who was on a house call. After inspecting O'Neal's medical equipment, Pettigrew inquired about the presence of Union troops, to which O'Neal responded negatively. However, as they approached the town, Pettigrew spotted what he believed to be Union cavalry in the distance. He did not bring on an engagement, as he had been ordered, and returned to Generals Heth and Hill to report.

Confederate Response: When Pettigrew told Hill and Heth about what he had seen, neither general believed that there was a substantial Federal force in or near the town, suspecting that it had been only Pennsylvania militia. It is perplexing to consider why neither General Heth nor General Hill placed trust in Pettigrew's observations. One possible explanation is that both Heth and Hill were relatively new to their positions and had reputations for impulsive decision-making. In terms of practical experience, Heth did not possess significantly more than Pettigrew.

Furthermore, Pettigrew's background as a non-West Pointer from a wealthy family, coupled with his lack of military experience before the war, may have contributed to the skepticism towards his report. Additionally, the fact that Pettigrew's men were freshly outfitted with new uniforms and rifles, and his staff consisted of fellow aristocrats, may have given the impression that they were inexperienced and unfamiliar with the realities of battle. Consequently, Hill may have discounted Pettigrew's interpretation due to these factors, leading to a failure to take his report seriously.

Union Response: In contradistinction, Buford had also spotted Pettigrew’s men. He recognized that he was facing a sizeable force of rebels because they had moved without vedettes as a screen. Buford's identification of a significant enemy presence in the area was taken seriously by his superior, Gen Reynolds. Buford was the ideal individual in the ideal location at the opportune moment. He had attended West Point, was acquainted with many of the generals as school friends, had served in the US First Dragoons, had commanded infantry, and had recently led his cavalry division at Brandy Station and Upperville. His military expertise was highly regarded; Buford and Reynolds had trust and confidence in each other, and their shared experiences at Second Manassas had demonstrated the consequences of disregarding accurate reports from a subordinate. Therefore, when Buford requested close support, Reynolds promptly initiated the advance. The outcome of battles hinges on such intricate details; these specifics determine the victor and the vanquished.

Recognizing that the Confederate movement was originating from the northwest, Buford strategically positioned his men along the roads in this vicinity. Anticipating that any engagement involving his division would serve as a delaying tactic, he dismounted his troopers and stationed them on the low ridges to the north and northwest of the town, aiming to buy time for the army to arrive and secure the advantageous positions to defend McPherson and Seminary Ridges.

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References

·      James M McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom. Oxford University Press, 1988; and

·      https://www.historynet.com/conquer-peace-lees-goals-gettysburg-campaign/

·      https://www.davidrumsey.com/luna/servlet/workspace/handleMediaPlayer?qvq=&trs=&mi=&lunaMediaId=RUMSEY~8~1~26945~1100244

·      https://www.historynet.com/were-maps-lees-real-enemy-at-gettysburg/

·      Eric J Wittenberg and J David Petruzzi, Plenty of Blame to Go Around. SavasBeattie, 2006.

·      Harry W Pfanz, Gettysburg – The First Day. The University of North Carolina, 2010.

·      Edwin B Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command. Charles Scribner, 1968.

·      Kent Masterson Brown, Meade at Gettysburg. A Study in Command. University of North     Carolina, 2021.

·      Lloyd W Klein, https://www.rebellionresearch.com/why-did-lee-want-gettysburg-2?fbclid=IwAR3BX-K30era80r4YbpIK7akPaYj4JauC3XoaHZYFtvj8lTQzuQ3v1rfD5c&fs=e&s=cl ;

·      https://www.rebellionresearch.com/what-were-robert-e-lees-goals-for-invading-pennsylvania-in-1863?fbclid=IwAR02kXsGHSKe992kDLtyFQy41v5igLfai3YrNN6Fb8v9SDFPDJxywT9zKZ0 ; and

·      https://www.historyisnowmagazine.com/blog/2023/8/24/logistics-challenges-of-the-army-of-northern-virginia-in-the-gettysburg-campaign

·      John B Gordon, Reminiscences of the Civil War. Louisiana State University Press, 1993.

·      Scott L Mingus and Eric J Wittenberg, If We Are Striking for Pennsylvania.Vol1. SavasBeattie 2022.

The industrial Revolution and Society Today

The Industrial Revolution was the passport to the future. Innovation propelled our economies, technology, and transportation further than ever. Britain, the first country to enter the Industrial revolution, set the tone for how capitalism would affect societies, economies, and the environment across the world. Unfortunately, as innovation and efficiency progressed, working conditions did not. Julius Olavarria explains.

A hurrier and two thrusters moving coal. From the 1853 book The White Slaves of England by J. Cobden.

During the Industrial revolution, there were many examples of maltreatment. One example is a hurrier, “A hurrier, also sometimes called a coal drawer or coal thruster, was a child or woman employed by a collier to transport the coal that they had mined.” 

Coal mine managers strapped women and children to carts, like animals, and made them crawl through mine shafts for 12-hour shifts. These mines were incredibly hot, reaching over 100 degrees Fahrenheit (38C) at times - workers never saw sunlight or breaks and had to hunch over for the entire workday. Jobs like these are textbook examples of the horrid conditions brought by the Industrial Revolution, especially for women and children working in factories or mines.

Jobs like these continued for a long time. For almost 80 years in the 18th and 19th centuries, women and children were subject to the worst of the worst. Generations would go by without much progress. Young lungs were filled with pollution leading to unhealthy lives and untimely deaths. Lives were like the unceasing, monotonous rhythms of the industrial machines. Hurriers saw no light at the end of their social tunnels - or in this case, mineshafts.

Factory Act of 1833

The Factory Act of 1833 set age requirements for child labor. The British House of Commons declared that “children under the age of 9” could not work any longer. Individuals aged 10 through 17 were subject to more restrictions, working fewer hours and in better conditions. This seemed like a win in the social books but was not popular in the slightest.

Sure, setting age requirements to work is great. In what world should a 4-year-old work in a coal mine? Children should be outside, exploring, learning, and having fun. They deserve a childhood just like everyone deserves a childhood. Setting age requirements for work is the first step towards getting them out of factories and into a normal life, right?

In fact, it is wrong.

In a normal working family, the children have to work because they have to. Believe it or not, children aren’t great left to their own devices. Usually, the wife of the family would look after the children during their new-born years, but for working families that wasn’t always possible: the wife needs to work, and if the wife works the child works too. Children, with this in mind, would work starting at ages 3 or 4.

It’s a sad reality. The family is so poor they can’t afford to hire a nanny or watch over their children. (And yes, nannies existed back then - interestingly enough they can be dated back as early as 800 B.C!)

Working children

I digress. Because the working families needed their children to work, the Factory Act of 1833 received a lot of pushback. Women were forced to stay at home or the families were forced to hire nannies. Some families were driven to the depths of poverty - a majority of the family’s wage earners were forced to stay at home.

Then, the Coal Mines Act of 1842 came along - the second act on the way to reform. This prohibited children under the age of 10, who could fit in the tiny mineshafts, from working there. Women were also prohibited as part of this act: major protests came as a result.

It is important to note that social critiques reported on the conditions of the Industrial Revolution. These authors, writers, and early muckrakers convinced the British parliament to set restrictions for women and children. They believed that they could improve conditions for the country by improving the conditions for workers.

Protests from women and children who were limited to work erupted - a paradoxical outcome. These women and children should be grateful: they don’t have to work in these horrible conditions, right?

Wrong.

Losing money

The women and children lost their earnings. The government stepped in and took their money. Now their families would be driven to even greater poverty - there’s no way to escape their social position besides picking up the most brutal of jobs. They were denied even that - they’re angry.

Reformers and parliament quickly realized the need for a solution for women and children. Women and children needed better lives but also needed to be productive. Women needed to make money while children needed a childhood. Possibly the most reasonable and ingenious solution to these problems was education - compulsory elementary education funded by the state.

Acts up until 1870 provided education for the children of poor families, while women took the role of teaching. Women who originally had lost their jobs in the mines could work in schools funded by the government. Children who originally had lost their jobs could be cared for by teachers at school, learning in the process. Families could get back on track because of the new system of education.

So this, finally, is the interesting reason why more women are schoolteachers. It all started in the Industrial Revolution- the innovation, factories, and working conditions then the critiques, acts, and protests all led up to the eventual creation of elementary education. Education acted as both an escape and outlet for women while giving children the childhood they deserved. To think this had historical roots doesn’t sound so crazy now, does it?

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Julius writes at: juliusolavarria.com.

The Victorian-era Volunteer Rifle Corps

The British volunteer rifle corps were formed on May 12, 1859 by Secretary of State for War Jonathan Peel, as a response to public fears of a French invasion or Britain. Italian, Felice Orsini  attempted to use a bomb made by the Birmingham Arms Company to blow up Napoleon III, Napoleon Bonaparte’s great Nephew, in Paris on January 14, 1858 . Despite recent alliances and diplomatic efforts, the French still felt the British were responsible due to the fact that an English city manufactured the bomb and consequently threatened invasions. Due to escalations on both sides, war seemed imminent.

Here, Charis Gambon explains how the volunteer rifle corps were set-up in response.

Jonathan Peel in the 1860s.

With the regular British Army largely fighting abroad a reserve was needed to become the first defence in the UK, with the aim of slowing the French invading force down in order to provide the regular army with enough time to return and take over, should the issue ever arise. Volunteer corps were to be raised under the provisions of the Volunteer Act 1804 which was last used during the Napoleonic Era.  The statistics from Ian F.W Beckett demonstrate the size of the volunteer force in England, Wales, and Scotland. These percentages were calculated based on number of volunteers per 100 people in the total population.  In 1861 the total for England was 0.629%, in Wales 0.655%, and in Scotland 1.119%.  Overall, there were 161,239 enrolled members within the volunteer force in 1861.

Each county of the country possessed at least one volunteer rifle corps, with many units possessing several at the peak of the movement. These corps were only to be formed on the recommendation of the county’s lord-lieutenant. Officers of the movement gained their commission from the lord-lieutenant, many of which had served in the regular army during the Crimea War.

Costs

Members had to attend eight days drill and exercise in four months, or 24 days within a year in order to be a part of a rifle volunteer corps. Additionally members were to provide their own arms and equipment, but as stated by Ian F. W. Beckett they did receive a 30% discount on ammunition from the government. However, this was not as generous as it may seem as the government were the only source for the ammunition. There was also a cost to join the volunteer rifle corps which was set at between 5s and £1.15s.6d. Enfield rifles with bayonet and scabbard cost £4.10s, with trousers and jacket costing the same.

The volunteer rifle corps were largely filled with middle class men, due to the fact that they could afford to purchase their uniform, Enfield rifle and ammunition. Additionally, the middle class were less likely to be in the regular army and consequently sought to make the volunteer movement their version of a men’s club.  The men were often seen as ‘playing soldiers’ by the regular army.  The social aspect of the volunteer movement was immense too. Typically men would take their family with them as volunteers would set up a camp for a week. The camps were seen as an opportunity to show off their wives and finery. Volunteer units would also meet up with other units for rifle competitions, with the biggest competition of the year being held at Wimbledon in London.

Shooting

To be classed as proficient and allowed to be a part of the volunteer rifle corps a volunteer was required to be able to shoot at a distance of 700 yards. This distance would also gain the volunteer a one star badge. To gain two stars a volunteer would have to be able to accurately shoot 900 yards and to gain three stars a volunteer would need to be accurate to 1,200 yards. The best shot in the unit earned himself a special badge that had crossed rifles on it - this signified that he was the most accurate shot.

The volunteers were initially mocked in sources such as PUNCH magazine, and were detested by the regulars, who felt they made a mockery of the military. As a result of this, units wore mostly grey uniforms (70%), the next most popular colour was green, emulating the rifle corps of the regular army (20%), and an assortment wore other colours; however only a few units wore red, and only briefly before being pushed away from this by the regulars. There was actually an approved uniform created by the war office for volunteer riflemen to wear, but no units opted to wear this uniform. Volunteer rifle units could create their own uniforms which they would then submit to the Lord- Lieutenant of the land for approval.  The ability to create uniforms led to a wide variety of uniforms being worn by corps across the country.  There were also generic cap badges and buttons created for all units to wear but similarly to the uniform each unit opted to create their own instead.

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US Civil War – The Confederate General Edward Kirby Smith

General Edmund Kirby Smith was a remarkable man who also was perhaps the Confederacy’s most successful general, even including Robert E. Lee. Because he was transferred to the Trans-Mississippi in 1863, most history narratives tend to lose track of him at that point, discounting the fact that he was the de facto ruler of that part of the country for 2 years. Lloyd W Klein explains.

General Edmund Kirby Smith, circa 1862.

Background

Smith was born in St Augustine, Florida. His parents were from Connecticut.  At the time of his birth, his parents were residing on the frontier, a region that was previously under Spanish control but had recently been acquired by the United States. Smith's father, Joseph Lee Smith, was appointed as a Superior Court judge in the newly acquired Florida Territory, while his grandfather, Ephraim Kirby, had served as an officer under the esteemed George Washington.

Despite his family's non-military background, Smith's parents insisted that he attend West Point, following his sister's marriage to a graduate from the artillery service in Florida. He followed his older brother in enrolling at West Point where Smith earned a respectable

25th ranking within his class of 41 cadets. However, it was not only military pursuits that captivated Smith's interests. Throughout his life, he harbored a profound fascination for botany and eventually became a highly accomplished botanist. His dedication to this field led to the creation of remarkable collections, which he later donated to renowned institutions such as Harvard, the Smithsonian, and UNC.

Smith's military career flourished during the Mexican War, where he actively participated in significant battles and eventually rose to the rank of captain. Subsequently, he was assigned to combat the Comanche, where he ascended to the rank of major. Smith's military progress continued as he became a captain in the Second US Cavalry, a position bestowed upon him by Secretary of War Jefferson Davis. Serving under the command of notable leaders such as Albert Sidney Johnston and Robert E. Lee, Smith found himself among a select group of officers from the 2nd Cavalry who achieved the esteemed rank of full general, alongside Albert Sidney Johnston, Robert E. Lee, and John Bell Hood. Notably, from 1855 until the conclusion of the Civil War, Smith's valet was Alexander Darnes, a 15-year-old enslaved individual of mixed race who belonged to Smith's family.

The War Begins

Smith was in Texas with the 2nd Cavalry when the war started.  On January 31, 1861, Smith was promoted to major and became commander of Camp Colorado. When secessionists began the seizure of Federal property, Smith initially refused to surrender his post to Colonel Henry E. McCulloch's Texas Militia forces but then changed his mind.

With secession, he resigned from the US Army and entered the Confederate Army as a lieutenant colonel, He served as General Joseph Johnston's chief of staff at Harper's Ferry as Confederate troops organized in the Shenandoah Valley. On June 17, 1861, he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general and placed in command of the 4th brigade of the Army of the Shenandoah. He led this brigade at First Manassas, where he was wounded in action in the head and neck. While recuperating he served as a commander of a Florida department, then promoted to major general and division commander in the ANV.

Although his wound at First Manassas was described as “serious”, In August 1861, Smith met Cassie Selden. While recovering from being wounded he still found time for wooing. The couple married on September 24.

Command of East Tennessee

After recovering from his wound and entering into marriage, he was dispatched to the western region to assume command of the Army of East Tennessee. On October 11, 1861, Smith was promoted to the rank of major general and took command from General Felix Zollicoffer in the District of East Tennessee. Smith's time in Tennessee was met with controversy as he adopted a strict approach, implementing martial law and suspending habeas corpus. Numerous individuals suspected of being Unionists were imprisoned or expelled, leading to a surge in anti-Confederate sentiment.

In August 1862, Smith's army, consisting of 6,500 soldiers, advanced through eastern Kentucky in support of General Braxton Bragg's invading Army of Mississippi. The objective of Bragg and Smith was to bolster pro-Confederate political factions in the Union-controlled border state and recruit new soldiers. While Bragg led his forces northward from Tennessee, Smith directed his troops towards Richmond, Kentucky, targeting the railroad hub in Lexington and the state capital in Frankfort. By August 28th, the Confederate advance, spearheaded by division commander General Patrick R. Cleburne, approached Richmond, Kentucky. Smith's Army of East Tennessee numbered 19,000, while Bragg's Army of Tennessee consisted of 35,000.

On August 29, 1862, a portion of Smith's army encountered an equally sized contingent of Nelson's forces, estimated to be between 6,000 and 7,000 troops. The Battle of Richmond ensued for two days, culminating on August 30, and resulted in a resounding victory for the Confederates. There were at least 5,000 Union casualties versus 750 Confederate losses. Also, substantial territory was surrendered, including the cities of Lexington, Richmond, and Frankfort, the state capital. When Smith subsequently seized control of Frankfort on September 2, it was the only state capital under Federal control to fall throughout the entire war. Out of the 6,800 Union soldiers engaged in the battle, approximately 4,000 were captured, while the remaining either fled towards Lexington or perished or sustained injuries on the battlefield. Additional losses were incurred during the battle, including the capture of Brigadier General Mahlon D. Manson and the injury of Nelson, who suffered a neck wound.

Promotion to Command of the Trans-Mississippi & Perryville

Smith was promoted to the newly established rank of lieutenant-general on October 9, 1862. He took command of the 3rd Corps, Army of Tennessee. Subsequently, on January 14, 1863, Smith was transferred to lead the Trans-Mississippi Department; this department included Arkansas, Missouri, Texas, western Louisiana, Arizona Territory, and the Indian Territory. Smith was given the responsibility of leading the Confederate forces in the Trans-Mississippi Theater, which encompassed the western Confederate states. In this position, he successfully maintained Confederate control over the region for 2 years. Throughout the remainder of the war, he remained stationed west of the Mississippi River, with a portion of his time spent in Shreveport, Louisiana. By October, Buell's army had received reinforcements and had become strong enough to become the aggressor. Smith and Bragg, however, were unprepared for Buell's advance and had not yet combined their armies.

Bragg recognized the importance of controlling Kentucky for the defense of the Western theater. This realization was influenced by Kirby Smith, who believed that launching an offensive action could have significant implications for the war. Bragg relocated his 30,000 troops to Chattanooga to join forces with Smith. They met on July 31 and decided to divide their army. Two of Bragg's brigades would join Smith in marching into Kentucky, with the intention that if Buell pursued Smith, Bragg would move north to attack Buell's rear. Additionally, Bragg sent his cavalry, led by John Hunt Morgan, north into Ohio. It was expected that Grant would remain in his position, focusing on the pursuit of Vicksburg. Smith believed that this plan would alleviate supply issues and divert the Union armies from their intended movements. Furthermore, an invasion of Kentucky would pose a threat to Indiana and western Ohio, to establish the Ohio River as the Confederates' northern border.

The plan to invade Kentucky was ambitious but carried significant risks. It relied on flawless coordination between two armies that lacked a unified command structure. Bragg, despite pressure from President Davis to proceed with the invasion, began to have doubts almost immediately. Smith, foreseeing the challenges, quickly abandoned the agreement, realizing that embarking on a solo venture in Kentucky would be highly precarious. The successful execution of the military operation required a high level of coordination between two armies that lacked a unified command structure. Despite initial enthusiasm and pressure from President Davis to seize control of Kentucky, General Bragg soon began to have doubts about the feasibility of the mission. Meanwhile, General Smith, driven by personal ambition, reneged on the agreement and deceived Bragg about his true intentions. He cunningly requested additional troops under the guise of an expedition to Cumberland Gap, only to later reveal his plan to bypass it entirely. This left Bragg in a difficult position, unable to compel Smith to adhere to their original strategy, and forced to redirect his focus toward Lexington instead of Nashville.

The turning point of the campaign came on October 7, 1862, when one corps of General Buell's army confronted General Bragg's forces near Perryville, Kentucky. Despite the Confederates' hard-fought victory in the Battle of Perryville, the arrival of the majority of Buell's army by the end of the day nullified their gains. Faced with the prospect of losing everything they had fought for, Bragg made the controversial decision to withdraw during the cover of night, much to the dismay of his subordinate officers, including General Smith, who had advised Bragg to capitalize on their success and continue the fight. As a result, Bragg's army ultimately retreated from Kentucky, leaving the state under Union control for the remainder of the war.

As forces under Grant tightened their grip on the Mississippi River, Smith attempted to change the trajectory of the war. However, his department never had more than 30,000 men, and they were stationed over an immense area.  Consequently, Smith found it challenging to concentrate his forces effectively to challenge Grant or the formidable U.S. Navy on the river. Despite facing criticism for not coming to the defense of Vicksburg, particularly as Grant's momentum grew, Smith's hands were tied by the constraints of his resources. Ultimately, Vicksburg fell under Union control, further solidifying their hold on the Mississippi River.

Following the Union forces' capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, Smith found himself cut off from Richmond, resulting in his isolation from the rest of the Confederacy. Despite this, Smith established his authority over a semi-autonomous region, effectively governing an area that operated almost independently. Throughout the remainder of the war, Smith faced the daunting task of governing the district and waging war with minimal support and limited communication with the Confederate government.  in Virginia, Despite these obstacles, Smith persisted in his efforts to reclaim Vicksburg from the Union, albeit from the western side of the Mississippi, but his endeavors proved unsuccessful.

Smith's interest in this region stemmed largely from the influence of Arkansans and Missourians in the Confederate Congress, who played a significant role in securing his appointment. Consequently, Smith's semi-autonomous Confederate region became derisively referred to as "Kirby Smithdom." This term reflected the perception that Smith held a considerable degree of authority and control within his designated territory, separate from the central Confederate command.

Being cut off from the main Confederate army, one might assume that Smith's forces would suffer from starvation and lack of military supplies. However, the reality was quite different. The territory under Smith's control was remarkably well-supplied, as the Union army would discover in 1864. This unexpected abundance of resources further bolstered Smith's position and allowed him to sustain his troops and continue his resistance against the Union forces.

Red River Campaign

The Red River expedition, a military operation conducted by the Union during the American Civil War, involved approximately 30,000 federal troops led by Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks. This campaign aimed to secure the key Confederate supply depot in Shreveport and disrupt the Confederacy's supply lines by controlling the Red River and its surrounding region. The plan was devised by Major-General Henry W. Halleck as a diversion from Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant's strategy to encircle the main Confederate armies by utilizing Banks's Army of the Gulf to capture Mobile. However, the expedition ultimately failed due to poor planning and mismanagement, unable to achieve any of its objectives.

In March 1864, Union forces, comprising both army and navy components, embarked on a march into Louisiana along the Red River. They encountered logistical challenges caused by the low water levels on the river, necessitating the construction of dams and the removal of obstacles to enable their gunboats to proceed. As the Union forces advanced, they faced resistance from Confederate troops in a series of engagements, including the Battles of Mansfield on April 8, 1864, and Pleasant Hill on April 9, 1864. These battles ended in Confederate victories, compelling the Union forces to retreat. The situation worsened for the Union troops as the water levels of the Red River continued to decrease, making it increasingly difficult for their gunboats to navigate. Moreover, they found themselves isolated and susceptible to Confederate attacks.

Despite being significantly outnumbered, General Smith skillfully orchestrated the defeat of both Union advances. On April 8, Confederate troops under the command of Major General Richard Taylor successfully repelled Union General Nathaniel Banks's Red River Campaign. Recognizing their perilous situation, Union forces retreated from the Red River in late April 1864. Throughout their withdrawal, they encountered constant harassment and attacks from Confederate forces. By the time May 1864 rolled around, it was clear that the Red River Campaign had come to an end. The Union forces regrouped in Alexandria, Louisiana, and abandoned their original objective of capturing Shreveport.

Price’s Campaign

Later that year Smith went on the offensive. Major General Sterling Price's Army of Missouri, consisting of twelve thousand soldiers, was sent on an ill-advised and disastrous raid into Missouri. The objective of this raid was to capture St. Louis. It is worth noting that Price himself was a former governor of the state. Price's request for additional troops was denied, leaving him with only twelve thousand cavalry soldiers for the expedition when he wanted, and needed, many more. Price’s raid was initially conceived as a full invasion of Missouri with three goals: divert attention from the river to cross troops into the western theater for defense of Mobile and Atlanta, affect the 1864 election, and lure Missouri into leaving the Union. As commander of the Confederate Missouri state troops at the outbreak of war and field commander of the army in Arkansas, Price was the natural choice.

On August 28, 1864, Price's Raid commenced as he departed from Camden, Arkansas. It became evident that Price had not adequately planned his expedition, as the events that unfolded over the next three months proved to be disastrous. Engaging in a series of battles, Price's forces suffered heavy losses, and by the end of the raid, only six thousand survivors remained as they limped back into Arkansas. This outcome highlighted the poor execution and planning of Price's campaign, ultimately leading to its failure and further solidifying its place in history as a significant Confederate defeat.

Throughout the Civil War, Smith had the advantage of easier access to supplies compared to other Confederate areas due to Galveston TX remaining an open port. The Trans-Mississippi region was a major supplier of food crops so that was never an issue. John Magruder was able to reopen the port at Galveston so arms could come in through the blockade. This also allowed for a smooth flow of resources and provisions, ensuring that Smith's forces were adequately equipped. Additionally, the states of Arkansas, Texas, and Missouri, where Smith operated, were known for their agricultural productivity. These states were able to produce an abundance of food, further supporting Smith's troops and contributing to their overall sustenance during the war.

Remainder of the War

For the remainder of the war, the hostilities that occurred west of the Mississippi River were characterized by skirmishes and guerrilla raids. Smith, who had effectively defended his territory known as Smithdom, was situated away from the main action. On the Union side, General Thomas had a remarkable record of winning battles he commanded, while Kirby Smith held a similar distinction for the Confederates. Despite the ongoing clashes, the war in the West gradually came to a close.

By April 1865, the surrender of Confederate Generals Robert E. Lee and Joseph Johnston marked the effective end of the war in the Eastern theater. However, Smith's forces continued to hold out for approximately one more month. Eventually, on May 26, 1865, Smith relinquished his command to General Edward R. S. Canby at Baton Rouge, Louisiana. This surrender signaled the defeat of Smith's command, making it the final major Confederate force to concede at the end of the Civil War. Following his surrender, Smith made his way to Galveston, Texas before eventually fleeing to both Mexico and Cuba. However, he eventually returned to Lynchburg, Virginia to sign an oath of amnesty on November 14, 1865.

After the conclusion of the war, Smith briefly took on the role of managing the Accident Insurance Company in Louisville, Kentucky in 1866. Subsequently, he served as the president of the Pacific and Atlantic Telegraph Company for two years. In 1868, Smith established a school in New Castle, Kentucky, but unfortunately, it was destroyed by fire the following year. Undeterred, in 1870, Smith and his fellow Confederate General Bushrod Johnson were appointed as co-chancellors of the University of Nashville. Additionally, they jointly oversaw the management of the Montgomery Bell Academy, a preparatory school for boys. In 1875, Smith accepted a position as a professor of mathematics and botany at the University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee, where he remained a faculty member until his passing.

Kirby Smith passed away in Sewanee on March 28, 1893, and was laid to rest on the campus of the University of the South. Notably, he held the distinction of being the last full general of the Confederacy to pass away.

At one time, a statue of Smith held a prominent position of honor. In 1922, the state of Florida erected a statue of General Smith as one of the two statues representing Florida in the National Statuary Hall Collection at the United States Capitol in Washington, D.C. However, in 2018, Florida Governor Rick Scott signed legislation to replace Smith's statue with one honoring African-American civil rights activist and educator Mary McLeod Bethune. The statue was subsequently removed in 2021, with plans to send it to St. Augustine, Smith's birthplace. However, the residents of St. Augustine declined to accept the statue. Another Florida county initially agreed to house the statue, but faced opposition from mayors and public figures, leading to a re-vote that resulted in a 4-1 decision against accepting the statue. As a result, the statue is currently being stored temporarily at the Museum of Florida History, away from public display, as no suitable exhibition space has been found.

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References

·       https://www.battlefields.org/learn/biographies/e-kirby-smith

·       https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/article/edmund-kirby-smith-rebel-lord-of-the-trans-mississippi/

·       https://www.thoughtco.com/general-edmund-kirby-smith-2360303

·       https://encyclopediaofarkansas.net/entries/edmund-kirby-smith-9253/

·       Davis, William C. (1999), The American Frontier: Pioneers, Settlers, & Cowboys, 1800–1899, Norman: University of Oklahoma Pres.

·       Prushankin, Jeffery S. (2005), A Crisis in Confederate Command: Edmund Kirby Smith, Richard Taylor and the Army of the Trans-Mississippi. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press

·       https://www.ohiocivilwarcentral.com/edmund-kirby-smith

·       https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/richmond

·       http://battleofperryville.com/

American Bravery at the Alamo - The First Chapter

The April 1838 Convention of Limits Treaty was agreed between the United States and the Republic of Texas. Texas had won its freedom from Santa Anna and the Mexican Government in 1836. The treaty, which was signed before Texas was part of the United States, recognized Texas claims to disputed territory in Red River and also on the Eastern boundary. Michael Thomas Leibrandt explains.

The Fall of the Alamo or Crockett's Last Stand, circa 1903. By Robert Jenkins Onderdonk.

Here is the part that is most commonly known by Americans.

Perhaps the most memorable part of that period 187 years ago was one of the most iconic battles in history for Texas independence. This historic engagement has become widely known as The Alamo. The defense of the San Antonio mission was not only the intersection of unwavering American resolve but also the union of three US heroes; Colonel William Travis, Colonel Jim Bowie, and perhaps the first celebrity in American history in Colonel David “Davy” Crockett.

The 2023 Commemoration of the Battle of the Alamo was open to both the public and the press. The events ran into March 2023 and featured events such as “Dawn at the Alamo”, “Never Surrender or Retreat” and an “Evening with the Heroes.”

Most Americans know the story of massacre of all 189 defenders of the mission at the hands of the Mexican Army on March 6th, 1836. Legends surrounding the deaths of all three, especially Crockett have become popular chapters in American history. It is not known whether he was captured or died as portrayed in John Wayne’s 1960 version of The Alamo, but it is widely believed that he was one of its last remaining defenders.

This however was not the first act of valor by Texans at the mission against the Mexican forces.

The Alamo

The Alamo (or Mision San Antonio de Valero) was built in 1718 by Franciscan Monasteries who wished to convert native Indians to Christianity. Secularized in 1793, the original construction did not have military intentions and the roof on the main church was never completed.

The first documented military use of the mission was around 1801, also at which time the mission took the name that would last through the centuries and was also the name of the Spanish Army Unit that was stationed there. In 1813, the mission was reportedly used as a barracks for Mexican revolutionaries and American volunteers.

In 1820, Moses Austin (father of the Stephen F. Austin) petitioned Spain for an American settlement in Mexico. The Mexican Constitution of 1824 allowed foreign settlers to gain land title and tax exemption. In the 1830s, the Mexican government also armed Texian settlement garrisons with artillery pieces for protection against local American Indians, indigenous people, and native tribes.

Relations, however were soon strained between Mexico and the American settlers and Tejanos (Texians of Mexican descent living in the province of Oahuila y Tejas, or Texas.) The Mexican government, realizing the delicate situation moved swiftly to recover the cannons.

1830s battles

At the Battle of Velasco in 1832, Mexican troops clashed with Texas Militia, attempting to stop the transport of a cannon. In 1835, at Gonzales Texas, settlers draped a cloth over a six-pound bronze Spanish cannon that read “Come and Take It.”

When Mexican Dragoon cavalry crossed the river and attempted to take possession of the cannon and also a one-pound Spanish Bronze Esmeril, they were fired upon. The Texas Revolution had begun.

Mexican President Antonio Lopez De Santa Anna, sent 600 troops under General Coz north to quell the uprising. Coz became convinced upon arriving in San Antonio that the rebellion army would attack and fortified the city and the Alamo, which at that time sat just outside of the town.

His instincts proved to be quite correct.

On October 12, 1835, Steven F. Austin and Sam Houston arrived outside of San Antonio with an army of 300 men comprised of Texans and Tejanos, and began the Siege of Bexar. Texian artillery under Colonel Neill would pound the Alamo with a barrage during the attack.

After nearly eight weeks, Texian leaders were contemplating lifting the siege and withdrawing to winter quarters. It was then that two significant events transpired in the Texian camp. A Mexican defector rode into the camp, joined the Texans and told of deplorable conditions in the Alamo including rationing, starving horses, low military supplies and morale.

Ben Milam, a soldier with the Texas Militia who was himself the only the age of 47, stood up and rallied the troops at the nightly campfire and proclaimed “Who will come to San Antonio with Ol’ Ben Milam!”

Rejuvenated, the Texian Army attacked. Milam was killed in heavy street fighting but the Texians pressed on. By early December, Cos was forced to pull his artillery pieces and wounded soldiers behind the walls of the Alamo. The Mexican troops would construct some of the very fortifications that the Texian defenders would utilize twelve weeks later. On December 9th, the Mexican army raised a white flag of surrender from behind the walls of the Alamo. The victorious Texas army allowed the Mexicans to keep their regimental colors and muskets for the long march back to Mexico City. Among the military supplies that were surrendered by the Mexicans were approximately twenty cannons including; a 5-inch caliber Howitzer, three and four pound mounted artillery pieces, and small ordinance. All of these pieces would be re-purposed for the defense of Texas.

The celebration would be short-lived.

Back to San Antonio

A furious Santa Anna would shortly be assembling an army and conducting a Winter march back to San Antonio and a date with destiny and Travis, Bowie, and Davy Crockett. This time, Santa Anna would personally lead his troops.

In the end, both battles at the Alamo during the Texas Revolution would work against Santa Anna. After the massacre in March 1836, the death of all 189 defenders became a rallying cry for the Texians.

On April 21 at the Battle of San Jacinto, when Santa Anna’s army was defeated in less than 20 minutes, Sam Houston’s army broke over the Mexican breastwork defenses yelling, “Remember the Alamo!”

Whether the Army of the Republic of Texas victory at the Siege of Bexar or the legendary last-stand of the outnumbered defenders three months later, history is clear.

We shall always remember all of the events surrounding the complete story of the Alamo. At least those of us who know the full history.

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Michael Thomas Leibrandt lives and works in Abington, Pennsylvania.

US Civil War Maritime Disasters

The US Civil War in the Gulf is defined by the Northern strategy of the blockade of Southern ports and the daring attempts by Confederate vessels to run this blockade.

Here, Richard Bluttal looks at this strategy and the maritime disasters during the war.

A 19th century print showing the sinking of USS Hatteras by CSS Alabama, off Galveston, Texas in January 1863.

USS Hatteras

The remains of the Union ironclad Tecumseh, whose sinking by a Confederate mine prompted Farragut’s famous order "Damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead!" are well known off Fort Morgan, Alabama. Only one U.S. warship, however, was sunk at sea in the Gulf. This important shipwreck, the USS Hatteras, has been the subject of repeated investigations by BOEM, the Texas Historical Commission, and Texas A&M University at Galveston.

In less than a year, the Hatteras captured seven Confederate blockade runners off Vermilion Bay, Louisiana. Early in 1863, she was ordered to join the squadron under Rear Admiral David Farragut, who was attempting to retake the key Texas port of Galveston, Texas. As the blockading squadron lay off the coast on the afternoon of January 11, 1863, a set of sails was sighted just over the horizon and the Hatteras was ordered to give pursuit. She chased the intruder for four hours, closer and closer into shore, and farther and farther from her supporting fleet. Finally, as dusk was falling, the Hatteras came within hailing distance of the square-rigged, black-hulled vessel. Commander Homer C. Blake demanded to know the identity of the ship. "Her Britannic Majesty’s Ship Vixen," came the reply. Blake ordered one of Hatteras’ boats launched to inspect the "Britisher." Almost as soon as the boat was piped away, a new reply came from the mystery ship, "We are the CSS Alabama!" A broadside from the Alabama’s guns punctuated the reply. Within 13 minutes, the Hatteras, sinking rapidly, surrendered. The Hatteras today rests in 58 feet of water about 20 miles off Galveston. Her 210-foot long iron hull is completely buried under about three feet of sand. Only the remains of her 500-horsepower walking beam steam engine and her two iron paddle wheels remain exposed above the sea floor.

USS Monitor

During the Civil War, the idea of the USS Monitor was born amidst a nation in turmoil. After discovering the Confederate Navy was constructing an impenetrable ironclad in Hampton Roads, Va., President Lincoln called for a naval board to propose construction of an ironclad vessel to lead the Union Navy. John Ericsson, a Swedish-American inventor, introduced a plan, which caught their attention. Complete with a rotating gun turret, low draft, sleek profile and Ericsson's claim as an "Impregnable Battery," the board was convinced to order swift production on what would become the USS Monitor. Construction immediately began at the Continental Ironworks in Greenpoint, Brooklyn, N.Y. Almost 100 days later, on January 30, 1862, the USS Monitor was launched into the East River.

On March 9, 1862, the first time iron met iron ( the ironclad confederate ship CSS Virginia) , the two warships fired upon each other for hours, each side looking for their opponent's weaknesses. Almost four hours into the battle, a shot from the Virginia exploded against the Monitor's pilot house and Captain Worden was temporarily blinded. The Monitor's Executive Officer, Samuel Dana Green, assumed command and ordered the Monitor into shallow water, where the Virginia could not follow, to assess the captain's wounds and damage to the ship. The Virginia's captain, assuming the Monitor was withdrawing from battle, withdrew in supposed victory. When the Monitor returned to resume the engagement and found the Virginia gone, her crew also assumed victory. In reality, the battle was a virtual draw with neither vessel inflicting serious damage to the other. Although the Monitor remained in Hampton Roads throughout the spring and summer of 1862, the two vessels never again met in battle.

Dive 230 feet below the Atlantic Ocean off the North Carolina coast on one of our nation’s most historic shipwrecks, USS Monitor. This Civil War ironclad sank in 1862, and in 1975, it became the first national marine sanctuary – Monitor National Marine Sanctuary. Transformed from a weapon of war to an island of marine life, Monitor continues to serve as habitat for a wealth of marine life. Dive in to see sand tiger sharks, sea turtles, and more!

SS Sultana

A boiler explodes, shattering the silence of the night and throwing the hopeless passengers of the SS Sultana into the Mississippi River. Legally allowed to carry 376 people, the Sultana was carrying over 2,300 passengers, most of whom were Union soldiers recently released from Confederate prisons. The estimated death toll increases steadily to 1,700 or 1,800 in the worst maritime disaster in American history.

The Sultana was a privately owned sidewheel steamboat built in Cincinnati, Ohio, in February 1863. A relatively large boat, the Sultana stood three decks tall and measured 260 feet long and approximately 70 feet wide – a little shorter than a football field and about half as wide. Built for the New Orleans cotton trade, the Sultana spent her first two years carrying troops and supplies up and down the Mississippi River for the Union Army, until Vicksburg, MS, was captured in July 1863. She then carried cotton, manufactured goods and civilian passengers between New Orleans and her home port of St. Louis, MO.

On April 23, 1865, the Sultana limped back into Vicksburg from downriver. She had sprung a leak in one of her four boilers, and it needed to be repaired. While the work was being done to fix the boiler, the recently released soldiers began showing up. Instead of 1,000 soldiers, as Captain Hatch had suggested, the Sultana got almost 2,000 men. They were crowded together in every nook and cranny of the steamboat, as Captains Mason and Hatch knew more men meant more money. Very late in the evening of April 24, 1865, the Sultana finally backed away from the Vicksburg wharf and started upriver on her final journey. She carried on board a total of 2,137 people; 1,960 ex-prisoners, 22 guards, 85 crew members, and 70 paying passengers.

On April 27, after unloading the sugar and taking on a new load of coal, the Sultana finally started on the last leg of the journey towards Cairo, Illinois, where the men were to be transferred to trains and taken to Camp Chase, near Columbus, Ohio for mustering out.

Around 2:00 a.m., when the Sultana was about seven miles north of Memphis, three of the four boilers suddenly exploded. The horrendous explosion came from the upper back part of the boilers and ripped upward through the heart of the Sultana. The blast went up at about a 45-degree angle, ripping apart the center of the main cabin, destroying the middle of the texas cabin (the section of a steamboat that includes the crew's quarters), and shearing off the back two-thirds of the pilothouse. The right smokestack fell into the giant hole in the center of the Sultana while the left stack crashed heavily onto the center of the crowded hurricane deck, smashing it down onto the equally crowded second deck underneath. Dozens and dozens of soldiers were crushed to death between the two decks although some were saved by the support of the heavy railings outlining the openings of the main stairway. Many people had been catapulted into the river by the force of the explosion while hundreds more fought to get away from the spreading flames and to find scraps of lumber to keep them afloat in the water. People trapped in the wreckage cried out for assistance as men women, and children who were lucky enough jumped into the icy cold river.

In the aftermath, it was discovered that at least 1800 soldiers and civilians had died, making it the worst maritime disaster in American history. (The Titanic sinking in 1912 by comparison resulted in approximately 1500 deaths.) Amidst the competing headlines of the South’s elongated surrender, the assassination of Lincoln and the manhunt for John Wilkes Booth, the Sultana catastrophe received surprisingly little news coverage. A halfhearted investigation would place most of the blame on Capt. Mason, who conveniently was not alive to point the finger at others. A war weary public, eager to put the war and all of its tragedies behind them, soon forgot about the Sultana and its victims.

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The Connections between the U.S. Civil War and the Wild West

The Civil War and the American conquest of the West were two of the most important events of the nineteenth century. However, these events are often treated as separate occurrences, even though the end of the war played a crucial role in stimulating westward expansion. It is important to acknowledge that the expansion of slavery played a prominent role in the power struggles for control over the territories, which would eventually become the Old West. Indeed, what we now perceive as the Old West saw itself as the New South during that period.

Lloyd W Klein explains.

Buffalo Bill, around 1880.

Following the defeat of the Confederacy, numerous men who had fought for a cause found themselves suddenly without employment, money, or prospects. Many returned home to find their families and farms devastated, facing circumstances beyond their worst nightmares. In response, those who had the means chose to migrate westward in search of a fresh start. However, their anger, experiences, and familiarity with guns and violence accompanied them on their journey.

The popular perception of the Old West, largely influenced by Hollywood depictions, revolves around lawlessness, gunfights, and violence. In these portrayals, lawmen are depicted as heroes, distinguished by their badges and white hats, while the "bad guys" are characterized by black hats, unshaven appearances, and a tendency to draw their weapons first. However, the reality was far more nuanced. Violence was rampant, and law and order were virtually nonexistent. Interestingly, those who carried badges typically hailed from the northern states, while outlaws were often from the Border States and the old South. And those who wore the badges were of a specific background.

The Border States

It is crucial to recognize that the western frontier in the 1850s and 1860s encompassed Missouri and Kansas, known as the Border States. Kansas, in particular, had a history steeped in violence, which was deeply ingrained in the lives of its inhabitants. While we may not commonly associate the Old West with the consequences of the Civil War, those who lived during that time held no such distinction. When we envision the Old West today, we often think of states like Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado. However, during the 1860s, the frontier was primarily located in Kansas. Whether we refer to it as a result of the Civil War or as Old West-related, those who actively participated in that era did not make such distinctions. It was the frontier in many different ways: between North and South, for sure, but also the West vs. East, whites vs. Native Americans, and Republicans vs. Democrats. It was a place of violence and lawlessness precisely because it was the border of all of these cultural shifts.

Bushwhacking and Western Gangs

Bushwhacking is a form of guerrilla warfare common during conflicts in which there were large areas of contested land and few governmental resources to control these tracts. This tactic was particularly prevalent in rural areas during the Civil War where there were sharp divisions between those favoring the Union and Confederacy in the conflict. The individuals responsible for these attacks, known as bushwhackers, utilized ambushes as a means of attrition. Attrition warfare, a military strategy aimed at wearing down the enemy through continuous losses in personnel, material, and morale, was the underlying objective of these guerrilla tactics.

Bushwhackers were typically affiliated with irregular military forces on both sides of the conflict. While they occasionally launched well-coordinated raids against military targets, their most devastating attacks involved ambushing individuals and conducting house raids in rural communities. These actions were especially inflammatory as they often pitted neighbors against each other, serving as a means to settle personal scores. Due to their lack of proper insignia, the Union considered these attackers as terrorists. Notable figures such as William Quantrill, Bill Anderson, and John Singleton Mosby exemplified the bushwhacker profile. Partisan Rangers, essentially land-based privateers, also fell under the category of bushwhackers.

The association of bushwhacking became particularly strong with the pro-Confederate guerrillas in Missouri, where this form of warfare reached its peak intensity. Guerrilla activities also extended to regions like Kentucky, Appalachian Tennessee, northern Georgia, Arkansas, and western Virginia. In Kansas, pro-Union guerrilla fighters were referred to as "Jayhawkers" and frequently engaged in cross-border raids into Missouri.

Jesse & Frank James

The James Brothers, along with their partners the Youngers, can be traced back to their involvement in the Civil War. Understanding the James–Younger Gang solely as outlaws in the Wild West would be incomplete, as their formation can be traced back to the bushwhackers of the Civil War era who engaged in partisan warfare in Missouri during the Civil War.

After the war ended, their motives shifted from fighting for the Confederacy to pursuing personal profit through acts of plunder and murder. Jesse James, a prominent member of the gang, began his insurgent activities in 1864. Throughout the war, he primarily fought against fellow Missourians, including Missouri regiments of U.S. Volunteer troops, state militia, and unarmed Unionist civilians. Although there is only one confirmed instance of him engaging in combat with Federal troops from another state, which occurred after Appomattox, he faced numerous hardships during the war. His mother and sister were arrested, his stepfather was tortured, and his family was temporarily banished from Missouri by Unionist Missourians.

The James–Younger Gang eventually disbanded in 1876 after the Younger brothers were captured during a failed bank robbery in Northfield, Minnesota. It is often mentioned that Union Army veterans played a significant role in the gunfight that led to their capture. Considering the contributions of the Iron Brigade and the First Minnesota in the war, it appears that the gang had chosen the wrong town to engage in criminal activities.

Three years later, Jesse James formed a new gang and resumed his criminal career. However, his reign came to an end in 1882 when he was shot from behind by Robert Ford, resulting in his death. Interestingly, Ford, who was a member of the James-Younger Gang, had been offered a reward and full pardon by the Governor of Missouri, Thomas Crittenden, if he successfully killed James. Crittenden had been elected with the promise of bringing an end to the notorious gang.

Buffalo Bill

In 1853, a man named Isaac Cody sold his land in Scott County, Iowa, and he, his wife, and their son moved to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Territory.  The allure of the frontier and the potential opportunities it held were the driving factors behind this move. However, little did he know that he was about to find himself in a tumultuous and violent situation. As an ardent opponent of slavery, Isaac was invited to deliver a speech at Rively's Store, a local trading post known for hosting gatherings of pro-slavery individuals. Unfortunately, his impassioned antislavery rhetoric provoked such anger among the crowd that they resorted to threatening his life. In a shocking turn of events, a man leaped forward and viciously stabbed Isaac twice with a Bowie knife. Although Rively, the store's proprietor, promptly rushed him to receive medical attention, Isaac never fully recovered from the injuries inflicted upon him. 

Following their arrival in Kansas, the Cody family faced relentless persecution from pro-slavery supporters. Isaac's safety was jeopardized to such an extent that he was compelled to spend considerable time away from his home. Matters took a grave turn when his adversaries discovered his planned visit to his family and devised a sinister plot to assassinate him en route. It was at this critical juncture that his 11-year-old son, already an accomplished equestrian, rode an astonishing thirty miles to warn his father of the impending danger. In a surprising twist, Isaac decided to divert his course and journeyed to Cleveland, Ohio, where he organized a group of thirty families to bring them back to Kansas to bolster the antislavery population. Tragically, during his return trip, Isaac fell ill with a respiratory infection, exacerbated by the lingering effects of his stabbing and complications arising from kidney disease. These afflictions ultimately led to his untimely demise in April 1857.

His son, William Cody, was forced to make a living as a young teen. He first worked as a messenger, capitalizing on his exceptional horse-riding abilities. Subsequently, he embarked on a career as a scout, riding alongside the US Cavalry in Utah, where he demonstrated his marksmanship by preventing a Native American from harming his comrade. At the age of 14, he ventured into gold prospecting in California but soon abandoned this quest to become a rider for the Pony Express. In 1861, he attempted to enlist in the Union army, but was rejected (he was just 15). In 1863, at age 17, he enlisted as a teamster with the rank of private in Company H, 7th Kansas Cavalry, and served until discharged in 1865.

With the end of the war, he went to Junction City KS to enlist as a scout with an old friend named Bill Hickok. They would work for various troops and their generals, including George Armstrong Custer. The reunion of Bill Cody with Wild Bill Hickock after the war was a critical part of the Old West story. They first met when Hickok was age 18, and a Jayhawker, and Cody was age 12. They crossed paths again in 1862 when Hickock joined General James Henry Lane's Kansas Brigade, and while serving with the brigade, saw his friend Buffalo Bill Cody, who was serving as a scout.

Buffalo Bill's Wild West Shows have been the subject of much contemporary criticism, with controversy revolving around whether they exploited Native Americans or if Bill was their benefactor.

Billy the Kid

Billy the Kid’s real name was Henry McCarty, whose alias was William H Bonney – that was not his real name. He had killed 21 men by the time of his own death at age 21. His connection to the Civil War is indirect but is a fascinating reflection on the times.

McCarty was orphaned at the age of 15. His first arrest was for stealing food at the age of 16 in 1875. Ten days later, he robbed a Chinese laundry and was arrested again but escaped shortly afterward. He fled from New Mexico Territory into neighboring Arizona Territory, making himself both an outlaw and a federal fugitive. In 1877, he began to call himself "William H. Bonney".

After killing a blacksmith during an altercation in August 1877, Bonney became a wanted man in Arizona and returned to New Mexico, where he joined a group of cattle rustlers. He became well known in the region when he joined the Regulators and took part in the Lincoln County War of 1878. He and two other Regulators were later charged with killing three men, including Lincoln County Sheriff William J. Brady and one of his deputies.

Bonney's notoriety grew in December 1880 when the Las Vegas Gazette, and The Sun, in New York City, carried stories about his crimes. Sheriff Pat Garrett captured Bonney later that month. In April 1881, Bonney was tried for and convicted of Brady's murder and was sentenced to hang in May of that year. He escaped from jail on April 28, killing two sheriff's deputies in the process, and evaded capture for more than two months. Garrett eventually caught up with him and shot and killed Bonney, by then aged 21, in Fort Sumner on July 14, 1881. Garrett shot him in the chest in a dark room. Garrett and Bonney had been friends; he had a temper and had killed several men, with and without a badge. Rumors developed that Garrett never actually killed Bonney but it was a set up for him to escape. The movie in the 1970s accompanied by Bob Dylan’s lyrics made it seem as if Garrett was more of an assassin than a lawman. Certainly, a reward offered by the Governor of New Mexico was part of the incentive. And indeed, Garrett’s life story shows him seamlessly drifting among these roles.

Governor Lew Wallace, renowned for his involvement in the battles of Shiloh and Monocacy, as well as his authorship of the novel "Ben Hur," arrived in Santa Fe on September 29, 1878. His service as governor of the New Mexico Territory occurred during a time of lawless violence and political corruption. Wallace was involved in efforts to resolve New Mexico's Lincoln County War, a contentious and violent disagreement among the county's residents, and tried to end a series of Apache raids on territorial settlers.

On March 1, 1879, after previous attempts to restore order in Lincoln County had proven unsuccessful, Wallace issued orders for the arrest of those responsible for the local killings. Among the outlaws was none other than Billy the Kid. On March 17, 1879, Wallace clandestinely met with Bonney, who had witnessed the murder of a Lincoln County lawyer named Huston Chapman. Wallace sought Bonney's testimony in the trial of Chapman's alleged murderers. In return, Bonney requested protection from his enemies and amnesty for his past transgressions. During their meeting, the two struck a deal, with Bonney agreeing to become an informant in exchange for a full pardon of his previous crimes.

Wallace supposedly assured the Kid that he would be "scot-free with a pardon in your pocket for all your misdeeds." On March 20 Bonney agreed to provide grand jury testimony against those involved in Chapman's murder. Wallace arranged for a "fake" arrest and Bonney's detention in a local jail to assure his safety. Bonney testified in court on April 14, as agreed. However, the local district attorney revoked Wallace's bargain and refused to set the outlaw free. Bonney escaped and went back to killing people. Garrett set a $500 reward for his capture. That was when Garrett went after his friend. The authenticity of this bargain, however, remains questionable. It is unclear whether Wallace truly made such an offer or if it was merely a fabrication.

Garrett's early life was marked by financial hardship and tragedy. At age 3, Garrett’s father purchased the John Greer plantation in Claiborne Parish, Louisiana. The Civil War, however, destroyed the Garrett family's finances. Their mother died at the age of 37 on March 25, 1867, when Garrett was 16. Then the following year, on February 5, 1868, his father died at age 45. The children were left with a plantation that was more than $30,000 in debt. Relatives took in the children. The 18-year-old Garrett headed west from Louisiana on January 25, 1869. He became a Buffalo hunter and killed his first man in 1876. His first lawman job was as sheriff of Lincoln County during its war between 2 families after the previous sheriff was killed in a 5-day shootout. Billy the Kid was involved, so Garrett began to track him. Garrett went on to great acclaim as a Western lawman, recognized alongside Bat Masterson and Ben Daniels by Theodore Roosevelt. He would eventually be killed on the trail under still-mysterious circumstances.

An intriguing aspect to consider is the contrasting backgrounds of McCarty and Garrett. While McCarty was born in New York City, Garrett hailed from Alabama. in this regard, although an interesting switch of geographic roles, Garrett wasn’t such a good guy; Garrett's reputation as a lawman was not without blemish. On the other hand, Bonney, despite his outlaw status, had spent most of his life in the South. This pattern reveals a recurring theme where the law was often associated with the Republican and Northern states, while outlaws tended to emerge from the Border States or regions with Southern influences.

Arizona

In March 1861, Arizona territory issued an ordinance of secession. In retrospect, this is noteworthy because it wasn’t even a state at the time; it was part of a territory with New Mexico. Its stated reasons for this measure included: the need for protection from Native American raids and attacks, continued mail service, and the ties of “southern identity” although the document makes no explicit mention of slavery.  A specific passage in the secession statement says, “RESOLVED, That geographically and naturally we are bound to the South, and to her we look for protection; and as the Southern States have formed a Confederacy, it is our earnest desire to be attached to that Confederacy as a Territory.”

Black Americans in the Old West

Old Hollywood Westerns are fantastic updated examples of a Greek morality play: Evil may seem to be winning, but in the end, justice will prevail. There is of course a problem with the casting of these movies: 25% of the estimated 35,000 men who went out west and became cowboys (in the modern sense) were black.  These were former slaves who had been emancipated, went west due to limited prospects in the South, and were now looking to make a living.

And once this fact is pointed out, the reasons are not hard to discern. Former slaves had skills in cattle handling; suddenly free with no prospect of being hired for a fair wage at home, they headed West at the end of the Civil War.  While not treated exactly as equals, black men had equality to white men in terms of pay and responsibilities, A typical trail party consisted of a dozen men, of whom 7 or 8 were white men, 2 or so were Mexicans, and 3 were blacks.  These men were most often employed as wranglers or cooks, but not very often as trail bosses. The freed slaves might not be hired right away. Many came with kitchen or ranching skills but often trained under Mexican vaqueros or native Americans, and then hired by white ranchers and paid an equal wage.).

Many of the authentic characters of the Old West were former slaves who found a better life on the frontier. Here are 5 examples:

Deadwood Dick: Real name: Nat Love from Tennessee. Breaking horses and driving cattle were his specialties. He lived for a time in Deadwood and Dodge City. Later became a rodeo rider and performer.

Bob Lemmons: After being freed, he moved to West Texas and became known for his skills in capturing wild mustangs. He was so good at this that he became wealthy, bought his own ranch, and developed large herds of cattle and horses.

John Ware: Rancher freed from slavery in South Carolina, considered one of the most reliable cowboys on cattle drives from Alberta to Texas.

Bass Reeves: A freed slave from Arkansas who spoke numerous Native American languages, one of the great western lawmen, the first Black deputy U.S. marshal west of the Mississippi. Throughout Arkansas and the Oklahoma Territory, he apprehended over 3,000 criminals. Tales of his exploits are legendary, including that he once went on a posse with just a cook and an assistant and rounded up 21 wanted outlaws, who he led back on a rope. When we think of Western heroes, he really should be among the first we recognize, and the fact that we don’t is purely a manifestation of what old Hollywood thought would sell.

Bill Pickett: Legendary Rodeo performer, who invented steer wrestling, enshrined in the Rodeo Hall of Fame.

Wyatt Earp

If you think the Civil War has its myths and legends bent out of proportion to reality, well, the Old West has it beat, and the legend surrounding Wyatt Earp may be its greatest fraud. He is truly the embodiment of “the real America”, just not the ersatz one Hollywood created; the truth about the misogyny and violence of the Old West are romanticized, leading to false legends which have impacted modern views.

The story surrounding the Earps and the McLaurys and the Clantons and the facts of the Gunfight at the OK Corral and the Vendetta Ride go beyond this article. The truth is an even better story than the romanticized, sugar-coated version, and the blending of good guy versus bad guy never really ceases to amaze.

Wyatt Earp and Bat Masterson were assistant marshals in Dodge City, KS in the 1870s and 1880s. This town did not exist during the Bleeding Kansas days (it was founded in 1871), but the state’s reputation for violence predated the Old West. Earp moved to Dodge City from another Kansas boomtown, Wichita. His first wife was a prostitute who had opened a brothel there. Earp had been a pimp in Peoria. He was arrested several times while in Wichita for engaging in business with the brothel, and it was considered a conflict for a constable to be engaging in that behavior.

The Earps were northerners, from Illinois. Masterson was Canadian, from Quebec. Wyatt and Bat were Dodge City lawmen, in Kansas in the 1870s. Bleeding Kansas was still fresh in everyone’s mind. The territory west of them was Native American: Arapaho, Cheyenne, Comanche, Kansan, Kiowa, Osage, Pawnee, and Wichita.

Among the Dodge City lawmen of 1883 were Bat Masterson, Earp, and Charlie Basset, the town marshal. You would not want to mess with this group; these men were Tough. And they weren’t especially concerned with the details of the law. They applied the law with their fists and their six-shooters. What we see illustrated is that the guys wearing the star are northerners, sanctioned by Republican politicians in the post-war years by Grant or Hayes or Garfield, all Union generals serving as President; while the outlaws are originally from border states or southerners, and Democrats, who left behind a destroyed land and culture, represent the majority of the settlers. In the movies, the cliché was that the good guys wore white hats and the bad guys black ones. In reality, the lawmen were urban, wore ties, were clean-shaven, and represented society and a brand of frontier justice in the vacuum of the real thing.

Doc Holliday was from Georgia but graduated from Penn Dental School and his first dental practice was in St Louis. He moved west because his dental practice, at first successful, couldn’t survive his active tuberculosis, which was his eventual cause of death. He gambled because it was the only way an intelligent man with a persistent cough could earn a living, and his manual dexterity manifested in his gun handling.

The Clantons were from Missouri, the McLaurys from Iowa, but had become Texas and later Arizona cattle ranchers. The tension between North and South was not lost on anyone even a dozen years after Appomattox. While Hollywood has suggested that “cowboy” refers to the (white) settlers of the West it was a pejorative term suggesting cattle rustling, stagecoach robbery, and other crimes. The Clanton’s were indeed cowboys in this sense. Cowboys were poor, rural, isolated, worked with cattle and horses, worked hard, and did anything necessary to survive.

Tombstone is located in southern Arizona and was acquired as part of the Gadsden Purchase. That land was purchased from Mexico specifically to build a southern transcontinental railroad. Tombstone had its origins in the lead-up to the Civil War, and you just cannot understand the Gunfight or the Vendetta Ride without recognizing this. Tombstone was another boomtown due to silver mining. These kinds of places were infamous for loose law enforcement, perfect for the Earps. Earp’s second wife was also a prostitute. In Tombstone, his girlfriend was Josephine Marcus, a prostitute and gambler, from Brooklyn NY whose actual name was Sadie, called Sarah. She had been Sheriff Behan’s girlfriend before Earp came to town, and he was a friend with the Cowboys.

This is the foundation of the true story: Tombstone, AZ was perfectly happy with a bunch of cowboys – cattle thieves – in charge of town with their own elected sheriff in charge. Then these northerners came down uninvited, ran for office, tried to “reform” the town, stole the sheriff’s girlfriend, and carried badges from a Republican governor. They are not exactly noble: they are rough-and-tumble lawmen from Kansas and an infamous gambler, with reputations as gunfighters.

Those killed at the OK Corral famously are buried on Boot Hill. Where Wyatt Earp is buried is highly illustrative of the real America: Wyatt Earp is buried in a Jewish cemetery in Los Angeles. Despite her gambling addiction, Earp and Josephine, who was Jewish, remained together for many years after the shootout. Earp lived in LA as a movie consultant for Hollywood as one of many real-life roles including working for a time for Theodore Roosevelt. This is the real America, the melting pot, and the part that is left out because it is not the Western narrative Hollywood thrives on.

The Native American Perspective

The Civil War profoundly impacted the Native American tribes and led to what followed for the next 30 years. One-third of all Cherokees and Seminoles in Indian Territory died from violence, starvation, and war-related illness. Elite tribal members’ enslavement of African Americans motivated Southern allegiance. It turns out that the Native Americans fought for all the same reasons, influenced by the same economics and politics, as the white man.

It is estimated that over 20,000 Native Americans actively participated in the Civil War, fighting on both sides of the conflict. Approximately 3,500 Native Americans served in the Union Army. While exact numbers don’t exist for the CSA, it is believed to be much higher. It is crucial to recognize that some of the territories that were at the center of the slavery debate in 1850 eventually became the Indian territories in the 1870s. This historical context sheds light on the complex dynamics at play during this period.

Native Americans held complex aspirations during the war, perhaps naively hoping that aligning themselves with the white man would grant them a voice and consideration for their views. A close examination of the geographical distribution reveals that certain Indian territories, such as Oklahoma, Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, lay below the Missouri Compromise line, indicating the presence of Native American slave owners. Ultimately, what the tribes truly desired was tribal sovereignty, but their concerns were overshadowed by the larger, more devastating destruction of indigenous ways of life. Oklahoma was the primary site of Indian Territory in 1861, housing at least nine tribes, with the Cherokees being the largest among them. The tribes faced internal divisions and conflicting opinions on the best course of action, both within and between their respective communities. Once again, it is important to emphasize that some of the territories of 1850 where slavery was a political issue would become the Indian territories of the 1870s.

The indigenous peoples of America held complex desires during the war and may have been somewhat naive in their belief that aligning with the white settlers would grant them a platform to voice their concerns. Their primary aspiration, however, was to attain tribal sovereignty. But the war wasn’t about their issues and was just an interlude to the bigger, more chilling destruction of aboriginal ways of life.

Tribes located in Oklahoma, Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona were situated below the Missouri Compromise line, while Wyoming and the Dakotas were located above. This indicates that certain Native American tribes did own slaves while others did not. Oklahoma today was the main location of Indian Territory in 1861, and at least 9 tribes were located there, although the Cherokees were the largest of them. Within these tribes, there were divisions in terms of loyalty and differing opinions on the best course of action to take. These divisions were not only present between tribes but also within individual tribes themselves.

Stand Watie served as Brigadier General in the Confederate States of America (CSA) during a tumultuous period in the history of the Cherokee Nation. Before his leadership, John Ross, who had guided the nation through the tragic Trail of Tears, advocated for neutrality and unity as the secessionist movement gained momentum in and around Indian Territory. Ross, supported by a significant majority, aimed to maintain the nation's sovereignty while also advocating for the abolition of slavery. However, Watie represented a wealthy minority within the Cherokee Nation who owned slaves. He was the most prominent figure of the Treaty Party, a group that defied the majority's wishes and illegally signed a treaty that resulted in the forced removal of Cherokees from their ancestral lands.

In a move that bypassed Ross, Watie formed a Cherokee cavalry by recruiting members from within the nation. Consequently, the Cherokee Nation found itself embroiled in its own civil war. When the CSA eventually surrendered, Watie lost his rank, and Ross resumed his position as chief. Watie actively participated in significant battles such as Wilsons Creek, Pea Ridge, and Cabin Creek. Notably, he became the last Confederate general to surrender. However, the Cherokee Nation suffered immense devastation both internally and externally. The absence of support from the Union army made it clear that their loyalty would not be rewarded. This summary only scratches the surface of a complex narrative filled with ruthless decision-making, self-centered actions, and violence.  

Ely Parker, a Seneca (Iroquois) and a colonel on Grant's staff played a significant role in the Civil War. Unlike Stand Watie, Parker strongly opposed slavery. Before the war, he had served as a civil engineer and diplomat for the Seneca, even contributing to the construction of the Erie Canal. As the war drew to a close, Parker was entrusted with the task of drafting the final terms of surrender for the Confederacy. At the time of surrender, General Lee "stared at me for a moment," said Parker. "He extended his hand and said, 'I am glad to see one real American here.' I shook his hand and said, 'We are all Americans.' After the war, he served in many government capacities including as Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

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References

https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Arizona_Territory_Ordinance_of_Secession

https://listverse.com/2016/04/04/10-african-american-cowboys-who-shaped-the-old-west/

https://historycollection.com/the-little-known-history-of-american-indians-during-the-civil-war/

https://historycollection.com/the-little-known-history-of-american-indians-during-the-civil-war/

https://www.history.com/news/civil-war-native-american-indian-territory-cherokee-home-guard

https://americanindian.si.edu/static/why-we-serve/topics/civil-war/

One of the Greatest Tragedies in the History of American Expansion – The Donner Party

The Hastings Cutoff - why would this area in the western part of our country, near Salt Lake City, be so important in the history of westward expansion? All the wagon train had to do was make a simple decision, make the turn, thereby cutting off three hundred miles or about two weeks on their journey to California.

Richard Bluttal explains the tragedy of the Donner Party, a group who took the Hastings Cutoff route.

James and Margaret Reed.

During their first week in the Cutoff, the Donner party made good progress. Hastings, who had promised to lead migrants along the trail, left Fort Bridger with a different company of wagons, and it fell to James F. Reed to act as the company’s guide. As they broke a new trail through the nearly impassable terrain of the Wasatch Mountains, they lost the two weeks’ time.

In May 1846, the last wagon train of the season left Independence, Missouri for the Mexican territory of Alta California. Led by two men from Springfield, Illinois—farmer George Donner and furniture manufacturer James F. Reed—the Donner Party followed the well-established California Trail as far as the Little Sandy River in Wyoming. It is there that they made the fateful decision to take a new, more direct route over the Wasatch Mountains and across the Great Salt Lake Desert. The determination was made despite the warnings from accomplished mountain man James Clyman.

On August 30, after gathering as much water and grass as they could carry, they entered the Great Salt Lake Desert. A note left by Hastings had assured the party that they would be able to cross the desert in just two days, but the journey took five. The party lost dozens of cattle in the desert, and several wagons had to be abandoned. The pioneers lost valuable days conducting a fruitless search for the missing oxen before beginning a circuitous navigation of the Ruby Mountains in modern north-eastern Nevada. By the time the Donner party reached the Humboldt River, where Hastings Cutoff re-joined the main California Trail, it was late September. All the other migrants of 1846 had completed their journey to California, and the Donner party was racing the weather to clear the passes in the Sierra Nevada.

Tension

Tensions were running high among the exhausted migrants, and on October 5 an altercation between Reed and a teamster employed by another family ended with Reed fatally stabbing the man. Some members of the party suggested that Reed be hanged, but he was instead banished from the company. Reed would continue west on horseback while the rest of his family remained with the Donner party.

The migrants began the ascent of the Sierra foothills low on food, and Paiute warriors killed several of the remaining oxen. By this point, the members of the company had cached, or buried, virtually all their personal possessions—except for food, clothing, and the barest essentials necessary for survival—in an effort to minimize the load on their exhausted animals. On October 31 the weary migrants approached what is now Donner Pass across the Sierra Nevada and found their progress blocked by deepening snow.

177 years ago, the Donner Party was unable to cross the Pass in a storm. They returned to the Lake and built cabins. They slaughtered their cattle for food and used the hides as roofs on the cabins. The Breens inhabited the cabin that had been built two years earlier by the Stephens Party. This is the site of the Pioneer Monument at Donner Memorial State Park. The Murphys built a cabin a few hundred yards to the south, against a large rock. This rock is today marked by a plaque in the park. The Graves and Reeds built a cabin about a half-mile down the Creek.

From November 20, 1846 to March 1, 1847, Irish immigrant Patrick Breen, a Donner party member, kept a diary of his ordeal in the mountains. Clinging to survival with his wife Margaret and their seven children, Breen described the harsh winter weather, the leather hides they resorted to eating, and the deaths of their traveling companions.

Diary Entries

“Came to this place on the 31st of last month that it snowed we went on to the pass the snow so deep we were unable to find the road, when within 3 miles of the summit then turned back to this shanty on the Lake, Stanton came one day after we arrived here we again took our teams & waggons & made another unsuccessful attempt to cross in company with Stanton we returned to the shanty it continuing to snow all the time we were here we now have killed most part of our cattle having to stay here until next spring & live on poor beef without bread or salt” - November 20, 1846

“still snowing now about 3 feet deep…killed my last oxen today will skin them tomorrow gave another yoke to Fosters hard to get wood” - November 29, 1846 “... snow about 5 ½ feet or 6 deep difficult to get wood no gong from the house completely housed up looks as likely for snow as when it commenced, our cattle all killed but three or four them, the horses & Stantons mules gone & cattle suppose lost in the Snow no hopes of finding them alive” - December 1, 1846 “... Milt. & Noah went to Donnos 8 days since not returned yet, thinks they got lost in the snow…”

December 17, 1846 “... May we with Gods help spend the comeing year better than the past which we purpose to do if Almighty God will deliver us from our present dreadful situation…” - December 31, 1846

Ordeal

Breen’s account of the winter of 1846–47 would provide the only contemporary written record of the Donner party’s ordeal. On December 15 Baylis Williams, an employee of the Reed family, died of malnutrition at the lake camp; his was the first recorded death. On December 16 a party of 10 men and 5 women set out to cross the mountains on improvised snowshoes. During a month’s harrowing, often overwhelming hardships from cold, storms, deep snow, and inadequate food, they struggled on. Eight of the men died, and the bodies of some of these were eaten by the others. Two men and all the women got through to the Sacramento Valley. The settlers of California organized a relief party which left Fort Sutter (Sacramento) on January 31, 1847. Heroically struggling through the deep snow, seven men reached the lake camp on February 18. They then took twenty-three of the starving emigrants, including seventeen children, back to the settlements; several deaths occurred on the way. Other relief parties followed, but, because of illness and injuries, it was impossible to remove everyone.

After dogs and cowhides had been devoured, many deaths occurred, and the survivors were forced to resort to cannibalism of the dead bodies. The last survivor, Lewis Keseber who had supported himself during the last weeks by cannibalism, did not leave camp until April 21. Five of the emigrants died before reaching the mountain camps, thirty-four at the camps or on the mountains while attempting to cross, and one just after reaching the settlements. Two men who had joined the party at the lake also died. The total number of deaths was thus forty-two, with forty-seven survivors, although many others would soon follow.

The ordeal of the Donner party highlighted the incredible risks that were inherent in the great overland trek, but it did little to slow the pace of migration. Indeed, even the survivors of the party encouraged others to undertake the journey. In a letter to her cousin in Illinois, Virginia Reed recounted that “I have not wrote you half of the truble, but I hav Wrote you anuf to let you now what truble is,” before concluding, “Dont let this letter dishaten anybody. Never take no cutofs and hury along as fast as you can.” The discovery of gold in California in 1848 would turn the flow of migrants into a virtual flood, and the legacy of the Donner party would become less a cautionary tale and more a grim historical footnote in the story of the great westward movement.

After examining remains from the Alder Creek campsite, researchers in 2010 announced that they had been unable to find any human bones or other physical evidence of cannibalism. The researchers themselves clarified, however, that the absence of archaeological evidence did not rule out the possibility that cannibalism had occurred, especially given the extensive contemporary accounts by members of the rescue parties.

Key problems

There has been a lot written about the Donner party’s own problems, below were a number of them.

1. The Donner Party started its trip dangerously late in the pioneer season. The core of what became the Donner Party did not leave their jumping-off point at Independence, Missouri until May 12. They were the y fell behind schedule after taking an untested shortcut.

2. After reaching Wyoming, most California-bound pioneers followed a route that swooped north through Idaho before turning south and moving across Nevada. In 1846, however, a dishonest guidebook author named Lansford Hastings was promoting a straighter and supposedly quicker path that cut through the Wasatch Mountains and across the Salt Lake Desert. There was just one problem: no one had ever traveled this “Hastings Cutoff” with wagons, not even Hastings himself. Despite the obvious risks—and against the warnings of James Clyman, an experienced mountain man—the 20 Donner Party wagons elected to break off from the usual route and gamble on Hastings’ back road. The decision proved disastrous. The emigrants were forced to blaze much of the trail themselves by cutting down trees, and they nearly died of thirst during a five-day crossing of the salt desert. Rather than saving them time, Hasting’s “shortcut” ended up adding nearly a month to the Donner Party’s journey.

3. The emigrants lost a race against the weather by just a few days. Despite the Hastings Cutoff debacle, most of the Donner Party still managed to reach the slopes of the Sierra Nevada by early November 1846. Only a scant hundred miles remained in their trek, but before the pioneers had a chance to drive their wagons through the mountains, an early blizzard blanketed the Sierras in several feet of snow. Mountain passes that were navigable just a day earlier soon transformed into icy roadblocks, forcing the Donner Party to retreat to nearby Truckee Lake and wait out the winter in ramshackle tents and cabins. Much of the group’s supplies and livestock had already been lost on the trail, and it was not long before the first settlers began to perish from starvation.

4. During the “Forlorn Hope” expedition, the hiking party included a pair of Indians named Salvador and Luis, both of whom had joined up with the Donner emigrants shortly before they became snowbound. The natives refused to engage in cannibalism, and Salvador and Luis later ran off out of fear that they might be murdered once the others ran out of meat. Indeed, when the duo was found days later, exhausted and lying in the snow, a hiking party member named William Foster shot both of them in the head. The Indians were then butchered and eaten by the hikers. It was the only time during the entire winter that people were murdered for use as food.

Conclusion

Of the eighty-one pioneers who began the Donner Party’s horrific winter in the Sierra Nevada, only forty-five managed to walk out alive. The ordeal proved particularly costly for the group’s fifteen solo travelers, all but two of whom died, but it also took a tragic toll on the families. George and Jacob Donner, both of their wives and four of their children all perished. Pioneer William Eddy, meanwhile, lost his wife and his two kids. Nearly a dozen families had made up Donner wagon train, but only two—the Reeds and the Breens—managed to arrive in California without suffering a single death.

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Female Hysteria Throughout History

Mental health is fast becoming an issue at the forefront of the public consciousness, but it has not been without struggle; history is littered with a multitude of inhumane ways those suffering from mental health issues have been treated - all you have to do is look through the history of ‘lunatic asylums’ to discover that their methods were usually cold, brutal and often detrimental to the patient.

These asylums commonly had a high volume of women within their walls; many of whom were abandoned at the gates by their husbands or other family members, as they were unable to deal with their ‘issues’ - which could have been anything ranging from mood swings and nervousness, loss of appetite, or even simple dizzy spells. The diagnosis: a bad case of female hysteria. The treatment? Well, a pelvic massage, of course!

Rachael Elizabeth explains.

Marie Wittman in a cataleptic pose taken, circa 1880.

The Queen of Hysterics

One such place where these afflicted women would be sent was the Salpetriere Hospital in Paris, France. The Salpetrieire Hospital was originally a gunpowder factory until its recondition in 1656, when it was converted into a ‘hospice’ for women suffering from hysteria, epilepsy, and dementia, along with poor women and female criminals. Although it is cited as a ‘hospital’ or ‘hospice’, the Salpetrieire Hospital quickly became a notorious insane asylum, and the go-to place to dispose of women suffering from so-called ‘hysteria’. The hospital had a capacity of 10,000 “patients” and 300 prisoners - but among the women, a patient named Marie “Blanche” Wittman became the unlikely star of Dr Jean-Martin Charcot’s hysteria show.

Dr Jean-Martin Charcot was a French neurologist, and famously became known as ‘the father of neurology’. Dr Charcot would use Miss Wittman, along with other female patients, for his hypnosis shows, demonstrating his ability to induce and stop moments of hysteria. Whilst on stage, Charcot could arouse an attack of hysteria from his female host via hypnosis, and it was Wittman who became the main attraction - due to the fact she would reenact any scenario Charcot asked with an extreme display of emotion, making her audience coo with disbelief. In one such event, Charcot made Wittman believe that an image of a donkey was in fact a nude image of herself, and through her shock and embarrassment, Wittman smashed the picture.

In order to “switch off” Wittman (or the other women), Charcot would use ovary compression, as this was believed to bring them out of their hypnotic state - at first, Charcot would manually press down on the women's bodies - that is, until he invented the first ovary compression device, aptly named “the ovary compressor”.

The first demonstration of the device was on February 7, 1888, with Wittman as the hypnotized demonstrator. The straps, made from leather, would fasten around her back and the padded screws were placed over the abdomen, before being slowly tightened which would squeeze the woman's abdomen, towards the “hysteric centre”, and would magically appease their hysteric state.

The History of Hysteria

The word ‘hysteria’ is derived from the ancient Greek word ‘Hystera’ (which, loosely translated, means ‘uterus’), and it was believed that if a woman didn’t keep her uterus in check (usually by engaging in sexual encounters with her husband or by producing offspring), her uterus would angrily ‘wander around her body’ - like a naughty child throwing a tantrum - and thus cause a myriad of symptoms and diseases; but because hysteria was only thought to be caused by the womb, this “condition” was only ever attributed to women.

In the Victorian era, hysteria diagnosis was rampant, and the physicians of the time concluded that rubbing the woman’s pelvis until she reached “hysterical paroxysm” was a way to cure (or at least provide some temporary relief to) the hysteria-ridden woman and help bring the womb back to its rightful place.

The action of massaging the woman’s pelvis consisted of the physician physically performing the task himself - and although this could be construed as predatory, the act itself was supposedly never considered or intended to be sexual. Unfortunately, however, as with many archaic medical interventions, there were downsides to the procedure - it was a difficult technique to master, and could in some cases take hours to gain a successful result. The laborious task of curing a woman’s hysteria quite rapidly became a hindrance, both due to the volume of women affected, and the volume of women who needed ‘repeat prescriptions’, if you will.

In 1734, the invention of the first clock-work vibrator named the ‘Tremoussoir’ provided welcome relief to the cramping hands of the physicians, as now they had an apparatus to take the strain out of manual pelvic massages. A little later, around the early 1800s, Joseph Mortimer Granville patented the first ‘electromechanical’ vibrator; its original purpose was for the relief of muscular aches and pains for men, and he specifically stated that it should NOT be used to treat hysterical women - although many physicians began implementing the devices regardless.

Although the invention of the vibrator did help to alleviate the workload of the physicians, they were still manually using the devices to treat the women. As electricity became a growing staple in people's homes, women were now able to buy their vibrators to use in the comfort of their own home; in the 1920s, the vibrating devices began making an appearance in adult films, therefore catapulting them deep into the world of eroticism, and they were subsequently rendered obsolete by the medical community.

A Happy(ish) Ending

To our modern minds, doctors facilitating the use of a vibrator sounds ludicrous, and perhaps even ominous, but we have to remember that in the 1800s, when this was a popular topic, not one iota of the device's purpose, nor the treatment itself was intended to be sexual - in fact, physicians sometimes even used the device to help deter women who made ‘sexual forward advances’, as that behavior was also seen as an affliction.

Although it is tempting to poke fun at the historic medical blunders that seem so outlandish by today’s standards, it’s important to remember that historical sexism towards women’s ailments was a deeply troubling and disturbing time, and even though ‘hysteria’ is no longer a diagnosis, it took until the 1950s for Female Hysteria to be declassified as a mental health issue.

Even today, although thankfully vastly improved, the remnants of the dismissive attitude towards women’s health problems are still ingrained in us - a study on heartandstroke.ca details, “Women who mention stress, along with physical symptoms of cardiac disease, are more likely to be diagnosed with anxiety than men reporting the same issues”. According to the British Heart Foundation, another study has also shown that women have a fifty percenthigher chance of heart disease being misdiagnosed as anxiety-related disorders when compared with men.

Although it is easy to look back at the science of the time and laugh at its absurdness, we should also consider that they were probably trying to do the best they could with the information they had available at the time. Nowadays, we can rest assured that medical science has evolved in a variety of ways which has had an overwhelmingly positive effect on many people's lives.

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References

https://www.psychologytoday.com/gb/blog/from-awareness-to-action/202303/the-history-of-hysteria-in-womens-lives

https://www.glamour.com/story/the-history-of-doctors-diagnosing-women-with-hysteria

https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/female-hysteria_n_4298060

https://www.rti.org/insights/myth-female-hysteria-and-health-disparities-among-women

https://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/the-controversy-of-female-hysteria#Hysteria-in-the-19th-century

https://www.bhf.org.uk/informationsupport/heart-matters-magazine/medical/women/misdiagnosis-of-heart-attacks-in-women

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https://gizmodo.com/meet-the-queen-of-hysterics-who-was-freuds-early-muse-1604567867

Quackery by Lydia Kang

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3480686/

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/232746123_Women_And_Hysteria_In_The_History_Of_Mental_Health

https://victorian-era.org/female-hysteria-during-victorian-era.html

https://victorian-era.org/female-hysteria-during-victorian-era.html?expand_article=1

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-vibrator/