In 1920 Britain was granted an official Mandate by the League of Nations to administer the country of Iraq - and ultimately allow it to achieve independence.

The whole affair, which lasted from the end of the First World War to independence in 1932, was largely a failure, with few flattering accounts and obligations often unfulfilled. It is from this point in time that the first underlying signs of declining British power are evidenced, while for Iraq it set a path to a fraught and unstable future.

Steve Prout explains.

King Faisal I of Iraq.

King Faisal I of Iraq.

The War and Occupation

The British presence had been building up in Iraq since 1914 when her forces had removed the Ottomans from the region with domestic support. As soon as the British had expelled the Turks they were making encouraging noises that raised Iraq’s hopes of independence.  

The British, in the words of General Maude and High Commissioner Percy Cox, implied loudly that they came as liberators.  This was welcomed by Iraq, which already had nationalistic aspirations and expectations were raised.

The Ottomans previously allowed levels of autonomy to many areas of Iraq and the noises from the British were encouraging, but what followed was very different and did little to assuage growing Iraqi concerns as the British occupation continued.

 

The Post War Mandate

The League of Nations appointed the mandate to Britain in 1920 to run Iraq and lead her on the path to self- determination.  In retrospect it resembled a poorly disguised colonialism. 

Iraq offered a geographically strategic position as a potential overland route from Egypt through the Middle East to South East Asia.  Iraq filled a gap of land in the middle of a long run of British possessions. It would provide a useful alternative to the long and arduous sea lanes that had been threatened by submarine warfare.

There was also an urgent need to offset the cost of the war that Britain bore in the region.  The overland route would be safer, quicker, and - more importantly - cheaper as there would be less demand on oil from the navy. Whether this theory was correct or not, the later revolt and the cost of suppressing it made the economic debate moot. By the end of 1920 Britain could see further lost opportunities as her plans to monopolize the oil reserves also met US resistance and generated a reversal of policy.

Nevertheless, another possession in the oil rich region at the time could enhance Britain’s international leverage, and counter French and Russian influence in the region (in May 1920 the Red Army invaded Northern Persia further fuelling Bolshevik expansionist fears).  

Now Britain had the mandate it was the India Office that provided the administration to mobilize it.  It imposed a very prevalent British presence in all aspects of Iraqi life – that would prove very unpopular. 

 

The Uprising

The uprising that occurred in Iraq in 1920 was fuelled by an unrelenting nationalism that was growing years before the British presence whilst under Ottoman rule.  The very loud and public promises made by the British during the war now looked like they were going to be unfulfilled. Arnold Wilson and other British high commissioners treated peaceful petitions and representatives in a high-handed and often dismissive manner, which no doubt irked these nationalists.  

The various tribes were treated inconsistently, controversial taxes were established, and a questionable plebiscite was orchestrated that favored a British outcome. Much of the country was resentful, as they felt excluded from political decisions.  The India Office imposed colonial rules on all aspects of life that felt more restrictive than that of the Ottomans.

The British responded to the uprising by deploying the full force of the military, with Royal Air Force (RAF) support.  Despite the belief that Churchill was an advocate of the use of poison gas, this was not deployed but the use of the air-force’s bombing tactics was no less brutal than that used by Italy in Abyssinia against poorly equipped tribes.  It was all over very quickly by the end of the year, but it was not an easily fought campaign for the British.

The British had far superior forces at their disposal with the presence of the RAF. This should have put them at a far greater advantage than the less well-equipped tribes.  The revolt was suppressed in a few short months after a brutal response that cost 10,000 Iraqi lives, the bombing of mosques and the burning of villages. There were also defeats and retreats that bloodied the nose of this huge Imperial force. Humiliating examples were the seizing of HMS Firefly and her artillery by the tribes who turned the arsenal on the British and the retreats from Karbala and Najal (to name but two).  It was a humiliating situation for a Great Power.

After counting the cost of the revolt and the continued strain on the finances, Britain began to urgently push for Iraqi independence. When the final tally was counted the uprising cost the exchequer circa £40m and the continued occupation of Iraq would cost circa £20m per annum.  Policy now had to change.  There was then an interim approach in Iraq in the meantime - and that was in the form of a democratic offering of sorts.

 

The Veneer of Democracy 

It was clear that military intervention would not be enough to keep a sustained peace.  The British needed a friendly Iraqi government that they could still influence and control in the background, whilst at the same time creating a veneer of a democratic government.  In 1921 that friendly pro-British ruler took the form of King Faisal, a man who was in favor with the British for his support during the war.  After his expulsion by the French for his attempt to establish power in Syria he took an offer by the British to head up a ruling government in Iraq. Faisal was not representative of the varied and diverse population - and it would not satisfy the underlying tensions completely.

Meanwhile, the British, with successive high commissioners over this period, still pulled the political strings. Faisal’s new government was shored up by 300 Ottoman officers who fought for his side in the Great War, but a large proportion of the population was still left ignored and dissatisfied.  This discontentment would still bubble under the surface long after the 1932 independence. Iraq was never going to be the stable state that Britain promised under the auspices of the League of Nations. 

 

Economic Concessions

There are several views on Britain’s intentions with the oil and petroleum reserves that Iraq had.  David Lloyd George wanted to monopolize the oil and petrol reserves for British interests as there was a dependency on US and Mexican oil that was embarrassing to Britain - despite having an abundant and sufficient source with The Turkish Petroleum Company. 

This stance would soon change from a monopolistic policy to one of an open free market by allowing US investment. There were other ways that the oil could serve British interests and that did not necessitate having a monopoly.

The oil revenues would financially support the objectives of the mandate and offset the economic liability she had undertook. Iraq’s own resources would be used but when it came down to the bare facts the Iraqi nation would have no voice in how their own natural resources would be used.

 

The Conclusion – An empire in decline and a new nation broken

Before the war Iraq was modernizing and progressing into the Industrial world.  The building of the Suez Canal had opened her grain and wool markets to the world.  There was German and British interest in her vast petrol reserves as early as 1907.  The war and the Mandate era had set her far back.

Although Britain was not the originator of the nationalistic fervor it was her heavy handed and brutal response that did little to help Iraq’s future unity and stability, as King Faisal would later comment in his memoirs.

There were ominous signs for Britain also. The Empire was dangerously over-stretched, and cracks were now appearing in Ireland and India as well as Iraq.  Although the idea of Empire was still something the British were proud, other priorities were becoming more apparent on home shores. 

On paper the revolt should have not been as troublesome to suppress for a Great Power such as Britain, with the power of the RAF and mechanized divisions at her disposal to fight the local tribes. Considering the resources, the British had this was not an easily fought campaign, possibly a sign of waning military strength.

The drain on the British Exchequer was not insignificant and the economic situation was bleak at the time. This was something the public purse could not tolerate as Britain had over one million unemployed, the large majority being de-mobilized servicemen. By 1921 unemployment had risen to over two million with several major strikes taking place.  There was no room for troublesome additions to an already troubled Britain.

All these factors contributed to a less that half-hearted commitment to Iraq. By 1932 a poorly produced independence was handed over. There were no winners or favorable outcomes for Iraq but for Britain that small snippet of history held so many signs of the beginnings of imperial decline. 

 

What do you think of the British Empire and Iraq? Let us know below.

References

David E Omissi – Air Power and Colonial Controls, Manchester University Press 1990

Dr Toby Lodge – The British Mandate in Iraq 1914-32, Institute for Strategic Studies

Amal Vinograv – The 1920 Revolt in Iraq Reconsidered, Cambridge University Press, International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 1972

William Shrivers - International Politic and Iraqi Oil 1918-1928, Business History Review 1981 (Pages 517-540)

Judith Yaphe – War and Occupation in Iraq: What Went Right, What Went Wrong?  Middle Eastern Journal 2003, Middle East Institute

The region of Kashmir largely lies across the territory of modern-day India and Pakistan. The area has had a tumultuous history since India became independent in 1947. Here, Manan Shah explains what happened to Kashmir in 1947 and the years after.

India soldiers during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–48.

India soldiers during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947–48.

In Asia lies the picturesque region of Kashmir, which records history from as early as the Neolithic period. Over a period of time numerous sovereigns have ruled over the land, which has established and benefited their empires. The area has always benefited from its geography and has proved to be a major trade route which connected Central Asia to the north of India. It was not at all surprising to see rulers take refuge in the beautiful valley of Kashmir, since it is protected by the natural frontiers and difficult terrain.

While we shall not go into the detailed past of Kashmir, the article takes into consideration the events that have shaped the current socio-political character of the valley, thus making it one of the world's most militarized zones. As of today it stands as a politically disintegrated country which is a constant battle ground for three nuclear powered states - India, Pakistan and China. It is a place where human rights abuse is no exception and people do not have basic rights.

 

1947

In 1947, world's biggest colonial power Britain left the territory of India after colonizing it for about 200 years, thus marking its independence; however, dividing the Indian sub-continent into two separate countries, India and Pakistan, the former largely for Hindus and latter largely for Muslims. It should be noted that prior to independence, India had about 584 princely states, states that were ruled by rulers while acknowledging British sovereignty. Kashmir was one of them. At the same time these princely states were given an option either to join the union of India or union of Pakistan and few had the option to remain independent. Hari Singh, the Hindu ruler to his Muslim subjects, tried to delay his decision thinking this could maintain the independence of Kashmir. Meanwhile, rebellion from the west and infiltration from Pakistan's tribal groups into the territory forced him to sign the famous “Instrument of Accession” of Indian Union on October 26, 1947 - against the will of the people. The document was signed with three conditions that the Union of India has control over: defense, external affairs and communications. This gave rise to local warfare. While popular opinion in the valley says Kashmiris' accession to the Union of India was temporary and was asked as a favor to protect their territory and to provide essential help, it was agreed that the Indian Army would evacuate as soon as there was no external threat to the land. However the irony is the situation in Kashmir has never been stable since then.  Both India and Pakistan never fail to put the blame on each other, time and again.

The matter was put forward to the United Nations in 1948. The resolution was passed by the UN to restore order. The three-step recommendation suggested that Pakistan withdraw all the forces that they had infiltrated into the territory of Kashmir. Secondly, India was asked to reduce the number of forces to the minimum level required. Thirdly, a plebiscite was to be conducted. As we speak right now, none has taken place as both India and Pakistan raised objections to the resolution. In January 1949, India and Pakistan agreed a ceasefire line that divided the country into two temporarily. Although, that so-called “temporary” partition still exists, even after 72 years. All this is happening in the democratic country of India, as it occupies most of the territory of Kashmir, followed by Pakistan, and then China’s incursion in 1962 to Aksai Chin.

 

Since the 1940s

Over the years Kashmiris have raised their voice against the abuse even though the two nuclear powers remain silent or blame each other. While a small percentage of the population wants to accede to India and a substantial part favors Pakistan, most of the population chooses to remain independent.

People have continuously feared and resisted the presence of Indian Army in the state due to the threat to their lives. They fear India is not holding up its promise of evacuating the land of Kashmir as the India has made it public that Kashmir belongs to them. Bills were passed in parliament to change the character of the state and to legitimize India's claim over the land. Recently there has been the abrogation of article 370 and 35A, which protects the demographic status of Jammu & Kashmir in a constitutional form. The state was put under lockdown and all means of communications was suspended for an indefinite period of time, high speed internet being one, which was restored after 17 months.

 

Kashmir’s independence right and claim was even acknowledged by Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of India, who said on January 2, 1952:

“Kashmir is not the property of India or Pakistan. It belongs to Kashmiri people. When Kashmiris acceded to India, we made it clear to the leader of Kashmiri people that we could ultimately by the verdict of their plebiscite. If they tell me to walk out, I will have no hesitation in quitting Kashmir.

We have taken the issue to the United Nations and given our word of honor for a peaceful solution. As a great nation, we cannot go back on it. We have left the question of a final solution to the people of Kashmir and we are determined to abide by their decision.”

 

Since independence both India and Pakistan share a bitter relationship and therefore Kashmir has served as the vote bank for both. It has time and again helped political parties to shift the momentum in their favor. It has become a weak point for both states to shift public opinion and deviate them from other issues.

India and Pakistan have fought three wars over Kashmir, in 1947, 1965 and 1999. They caused numerous casualties and human rights abuses. People were raped, tortured and murdered in cold blood. Today the state is under threat, there are continuous attacks on the state’s identity and people’s voices being suppressed. As Basharat Peer writes, “Srinagar* (Summer capital of Jammu & Kashmir) is never winning and never being defeated.” 

 

What do you think of the article? Let us know below.

 

Manan Shah is a student of Archeology and Ancient History who writes for independent publications. Born and brought up in Kashmir he shares an intriguing insight of the culture and political history of the region.

His email is shahmanan74@gmail.com

Christine Jorgenson (born George William Jorgenson Jr. in 1926) was a pioneer in America. She had gender reassignment surgery in the 1950s and became famous after. Here, James Zills tells her story.

Christine Jorgensen in 1954.

Christine Jorgensen in 1954.

Christine Jorgenson (born George William Jorgenson Jr. in 1926) was a pioneer in America. She had gender reassignment surgery in the 1950s and became famous after. Here, James Zills tells her story.

 

It is not every day a person gets to witness a historical or groundbreaking event, unless that person happens to live in the United States. The country tends to celebrate “almost” everything. As a still relatively young country, there are still historical milestones to achieve, but where does the country draw the line at historical first? Where does it become ridiculous? America’s new vice president has been bestowed the honor of three historical first, the first African American, the first South Asian American, and the first female to be vice president. The first transgender person picked for a senate-confirmed post, the first openly transgender contestant on Jeopardy, Callie Brown, was the first non-biological female hired as a full time NCAA coach. Twenty years from now the history books our children bring home from school will be as thick as technical manuals. We anxiously await daily for the next historical first while tearing down and erasing the past. We have entire months dedicated to peoples of various races, cultures, gender, sexuality, and heritage. In honor of Women’s History Month we shall explore the trials and tribulations of a true trailblazer; a women who has been largely forgotten in a time of historical first for women.

Christine Jorgenson (born George William Jorgenson Jr.) was born on May 30, 1926 in New York, the second child of George and Florence Jorgenson. During her high school years she had a sense of attraction to her male friends, but felt that she was not homosexual. Instead Christine concluded that she was a woman trapped in a man’s body. This was not a time in which a person could discuss their sexuality so, she repressed her identity and tried to fit in. Never quite being able to control her feminine tendencies she was subject to teasing from boys in the neighborhood and at school. Her sisters even took notice in her odd behaviors and would often tease her for not being more masculine. Despite the teasing and gender dysphoria, she graduated high school and attempted to volunteer for service in the United States Army.

 

I’m Not the World’s Most Physical Guy

Due to her size and weight, the Army disqualified her from service. This was devastating to Christine who was searching for a sense of belonging and a chance to make her parents proud.[1] The opportunity for military service would come to Christine a couple of months later when she was drafted by the Army. Entering into service in September 1945 at the conclusion of WW2 she was assigned to Fort Dix, New Jersey as a clerk facilitating paperwork for soldiers returning home for war. In December 1945 Christine was honorably discharged from the Army and attended a photography school in New Haven, Connecticut and later training as a dental assistant in New York using the G.I. Bill. Unable to find meaningful happiness Christine turned to research in order to find a solution to her gender dysphoria. 

Upon reading the book The Male Hormone, a study by Paul de Kruif on testosterone published in 1945[2], Christine believed she had found an explanation to her problem – a lack of testosterone. This led her to start taking estrogen to further decrease her testosterone levels. In 1950 she traveled to Europe which at the time was the only place where reassignment surgeries were practiced. When she arrived in Denmark she met with Dr. Christian Hamburger ,who diagnosed Christine with being transgender. Dr. Hamburger offered his experimental services for free and once special permissions were granted from the government of Denmark, Christine began a two year journey of hormone treatment, psychiatric evaluations, and surgery. [3]However, the surgeries received in Denmark only removed the male genitalia and she was unable to receive a vaginoplasty until sometime after her return to the United States in 1952. 

 

Taking a Walk on the Wild Side

Any hope of keeping a private life quickly diminished when the press swarmed her at the airport upon her arrival home in 1952. Understandably, this was quite the story and since the media has no appreciation for personal space, she was plastered on the front page of the New York Daily News titled “Ex-GI Becomes Blonde Beauty” and was the subject of articles in hundreds of newspapers around the country. Initially she was unable to cope with all her new found attention and went briefly into seclusion.  However, she decided that if this is the life she was going to live she would have to embrace it. For a fee, Jorgenson was willing to give interviews and tell her story stating, “I decided that if they wanted to see me, they would have to pay for it.”[4] Not surprisingly, Hollywood was ready to cash in on what they viewed as a human anomaly, though the attention was from a relatively unknown director at the time.

Edward Davis Wood Jr., better known as Ed Wood, sold the idea of a biopic of Jorgenson to investors. However, the finished product was a docudrama about cross-dressing and trans-sexuality, which would become known as one of the worst pictures ever made. Several offers to Jorgenson to appear in the film were declined and Ed Wood stepped in to fill the part of the transvestite spinning the movie into his personal story.[5] In 1970, the film The Christine Jorgensen Story premiered in Los Angeles based on her autobiography published in 1967. Through the ridicule and praise, Jorgenson endured the world of gender dysphoria on her own terms. In a world not quite ready for out and about transgenderism, she became a pioneer for others to emulate and embrace. 

She supported herself as a lounge singer and speaker for those who were curious or fascinated enough to hear her. During her time in the spotlight, she was engaged to be married twice, but due to the marriage laws at the time she was unable to secure a marriage license. Once Hollywood and the media had finished profiting off her she retired to southern California were she succumbed to bladder and lung cancer on May 3, 1989. Though viewed as an oddity by most during her time, she stayed true to herself, lived as the live she wanted to live, and became a trailblazer for other with gender dysphoria.

In a country that rushes to place people on a pedestal as “firsts” for the sake of creating history, America often neglects real historical events until they are ultimately forgotten.

 

 

What do you think of Christine Jorgenson? Let us know below.

Now, you read James’ past article on the Fascism on 1930s America here.


[1] “From GI Joe to GI Jane: Christine Jorgenson’s Story,” The National WWII Museum New Orleans, last modified June 29, 2020, https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/christine-jorgensen

[2] Paul Kruif, The Male Hormone (Harcourt, Brace and company, 1945)

[3] Biography, "Christine Jorgensen," Biography, last modified June 22, 2020, https://www.biography.com/activist/christine-jorgensen.

[4] Ibid

[5] Judith R. Fagen, "Glen or Glenda Bent the Gender Rules in 1953," The Gay & Lesbian Review, last modified February 24, 2021, https://glreview.org/article/glen-or-glenda-bent-the-gender-rules-in-1953/.

Bibliography

Biography. "Christine Jorgensen." Biography. Last modified June 22, 2020. https://www.biography.com/activist/christine-jorgensen.

Fagen, Judith R. "Glen or Glenda Bent the Gender Rules in 1953." The Gay & Lesbian Review. Last modified February 24, 2021. https://glreview.org/article/glen-or-glenda-bent-the-gender-rules-in-1953/.

"From GI Joe to GI Jane: Christine Jorgensen’s Story." The National WWII Museum | New Orleans. Last modified June 29, 2020. https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/articles/christine-jorgensen.

Kruif, Paul. The Male Hormone, 1st ed. Harcourt, Brace and company, 1945.

Portugal was officially neutral in World War Two, but did its behaviour show that it was neutral? Here, Stefan Morrone considers this by looking at the Portuguese leader’s beliefs, the long-standing treaty between Portugal and Britain, the wolfram question, and the Azores.

A British Royal Air Force plane in the Portuguese Azores during World War II.

A British Royal Air Force plane in the Portuguese Azores during World War II.

When discussing the roles played by various countries in conflicts throughout history, the term “neutrality” implies impartiality and a lack of bias towards any belligerent side. However, as we have seen with other countries during the Second World War, declaring neutrality was often much more complex than simply avoiding taking sides.

When the Second World War broke out in the autumn of 1939, Portugal was one of various European countries to declare its neutrality.  Portugal was in quite a delicate position at the opening of the conflict, meaning that a declaration of neutrality was in the country’s best interests - at least for the moment. This declaration of neutrality would allow Portugal to preserve her own foreign policy and take advantage of various opportunities that the war provided to prosper.

 

Rise of the Estado Novo

Antonio Salazar was born in 1899 in Beira Alto, Portugal. Salazar’s parents sent him to a seminary for his education when he was 9 years old. However, after spending several years at the seminary, he decided he wanted to further his education, and entered Portugal’s most prestigious university, the University of Coimbra, in 1910 at the age of 21. He graduated four years later with a degree in economics and his performance merited an appointment at the university as a professor, where he became known for his speeches and articles on political economics. His popularity continued to grow, and he was elected to Portugal’s national legislature in 1921. [1]

In 1926 there was a coup d’état and the leaders offered Salazar the position of finance minister, which he accepted with the stipulation that he receive almost total control of the government. This was declined and he resigned five days later to return to teaching. Two years later, in 1928, the leader of the government again asked Salazar to become the finance minister and met the stipulations that Salazar had initially demanded.

As finance minister, he quickly managed to balance the country’s budget and brought financial success to the Portuguese government. Salazar’s position strengthened further when he became the president of Portugal’s ruling Council of Ministries in 1932.

A year later, he formally created the Estado Novo, or “New State”, a corporatist state with a fascist orientation. Although it has often been compared with the contemporary regimes of Italy, Spain, and Germany, Salazar’s Portugal differed through its comparatively moderate use of state-sponsored violence.  Salazar was a Catholic traditionalist who strongly believed in using economic modernisation to defend Portugal’s Catholic and rural values.

 

Conflicted Loyalties

The outbreak of the Second World War put Portugal in a tenuous position. Since signing the Treaty of Windsor in 1386, Portugal had always maintained close ties with Britain. However, during this era, Portugal also maintained close ties with its large neighbour, Francoist Spain. Salazar had backed Franco’s regime during the Spanish Civil War, and this, combined with his government’s Fascist qualities, earned him the respect of Hitler and Mussolini. [2] 

Upon the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939, Salazar issued a declaration of Portugal’s neutrality. He also declared that Portugal’s old treaty of alliance with England did not automatically mean that Portugal had to go to war in support of the Allies. This was discussed with Britain beforehand, and the British indicated that they did not need Portuguese assistance. [3]

Salazar’s reasoning for neutrality was that he feared invasions by Germany or a potential German-allied Spain if the country entered the war; German troops were stationed roughly 260 km from the Portuguese borders. As a result, Salazar decided to stay out of the conflict, but decided he could use it to his country’s economic advantage, maintaining open trade with members of both the Allied and Axis camp throughout the war years. However, when considering the question of Portugal’s neutrality, it is important to examine two key factors that came into play with Portugal’s relationships with belligerent countries.

 

The Wolfram Question

One of the biggest issues with Portuguese neutrality was the prevalence of the mineral wolfram in the country. [4] This powerful resource quickly became Portugal’s ticket to maintaining neutrality throughout the conflict. 

Wolfram is a major source of tungsten, a metal used in steel hardening processes used in producing important items such as machine tools, armor-piercing shells, tank and airplane parts, and engine parts.  Outside Portugal, the Allied powers did not want Germany to have access to this incredibly valuable resource, while inside, Salazar viewed it as a matter of Portugal’s sovereignty since the mineral belonged to the country. He decided to satisfy both parties, Allied and Axis, preferring not to alienate either camp to maintain Portugal’s neutrality. 

However, the so-called “Wolfram War” seriously damaged Portugal’s claim to neutrality, since it was a definite expression of pro-Axis sentiment within the country - the Germans received approximately 75% of Portugal’s wolfram exports, while Britain received only 25%, despite the alliance and loud protestations. [5] Britain did enjoy one advantage in this situation - due to their long-standing relationship, Britain was able to pay in credit, while Germany had to pay cash. This allowed Britain to obtain a valuable resource while being short on cash.

On the other hand, Portugal also allowed the Axis powers to incur sizable debts in their clearing agreements, even advancing them significant amounts of private and government contracts.  In addition, Portuguese merchants were an important source of vital smuggled commodities such as diamonds and platinum to the Axis.

Portugal negotiated secret agreements with Germany to send an average of over 2,000 metric tons of wolfram annually between 1941 and mid-1944, which was roughly 60 percent of Germany's minimum industrial requirement. [6] The intense competition for wolfram boosted the Portuguese economy and generated huge profits for banks and businesses. Portugal profited so much from the sale of wolfram trade that it continued to do so despite threats from the Allies.

In January 1944, the Allies tried to pressure Portugal to embargo all wolfram sales, but this was resisted - Portugal defended its right as a neutral country to sell to anyone they saw fit, while also fearing a German attack should they stop. The wolfram trade debacle finally ended on the eve of the D-Day invasion in June 1944, when Portugal imposed a total embargo on shipments to both sides of the war after the Allies threatened heavy economic sanctions. 

Despite this, Portugal was able to profit massively from the wolfram trade and gain a major economic boost.

 

The Azores

In addition to wolfram, Portugal had another resource coveted by both the Allied and Axis powers: the strategically important Azores islands. Located in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, the islands made a perfect base for launching offensive operations. For the Allies, possession of the Azores was important for protecting the convoy supply routes of the central Atlantic. Failing to control them left a gap in defenses for convoys in which they might get caught in pitched battles between Allied and Axis ships. In addition, controlling the Azores would prove vital to the Allies’ potential plan of an invasion of Europe, since they could be used as an air base to provide cover for the invading armies. [7]

For the Axis, the Azores meant an ideal U-boat base plus air bases needed for Projekt Amerika, a Luftwaffe bombing campaign of the East Coast of the US. An Azores base in the middle of the Atlantic would greatly improve the operational efficiency of German U-boats by cutting out the time needed to return to ports in France to refuel, meaning they could spend much more time out in the field. [7]

Again, Salazar was torn - should he give up control of the Azores to the Allies, he feared a German invasion of Portugal through Spain. Despite Salazar’s refusal to give up the islands, Churchill and Roosevelt jointly decided to occupy the islands in 1943 but agreed that it would have to be done delicately. Churchill favored a diplomatic approach, and invoked the Treaty of Windsor, which Salazar approved. One airfield was quickly constructed in secret, with the British entering first, followed by the Americans, with plans for more airfields to follow. However, Salazar stipulated that while the British were welcome under the Treaty, the Americans were not - and if pressed by the Germans, he could not use the excuse of diplomatic necessity, as with the British. Salazar threatened to forcefully resist the landing of American troops in the islands but reneged at the eleventh hour. 

The Azores airfields were used to transfer bombers to the Pacific theatre and played a key role in winning the war in the Atlantic for the Allies. It allowed more planes to launch than from any aircraft carrier group, punched a hole in German U-boat supply lines and put Allied convoy lines within reach of land-based bomber protection, allowing for crucial shipments of provisions to reach their destinations unscathed.

 

Conclusion

The question of whether Portugal was truly neutral is a complex one. A nation can only be considered truly neutral if it exhibits no biases to other belligerent nations. Examining Portugal’s relationships with the Axis and Allied powers, Portugal in fact did express bias, although in different ways to each of the warring sides. It sold a far higher percentage of the valuable wolfram mineral to the Axis powers, making a vital contribution to their war effort, yet also contributed to the Axis’ defeat by allowing air bases to be constructed on the Azores islands and fell back on its traditional relationship to Britain.

Ultimately, Portugal can be considered neutral during the Second World War. In fitting with the traditional definition of neutrality, Portugal did not clearly favor a particular side in the conflict, instead preferring to play both sides against each other, seeking to benefit itself economically above all. Portugal’s neutrality remained useful to both sides throughout the war, and thus, by rendering different services to both sides, Salazar was able to effectively buy his country’s ability to remain out of the Second World War.

 

What do you think of Portugal’s role in World War Two? Let us know below.

Now, you can read about whether Spain was neutral or a Nazi ally in World War Two here.

Sources

[1] Watkins, Thayer. Antonio Salazar De Oliveira of Portugal and His Estado Novo, www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/salazar.htm.

[2] Gayer, Gary. “Political Neutrality in World War 2.” California Polytechnic State University, 2013.

[3] Leite, Joaquim da Costa. "Neutrality by Agreement: Portugal and the British Alliance in World War II." American University International Law Review 14, no. 1 (1998): 185-199. Accessed February 26,2021

[4] Wheeler, Douglas L. “The Price of Neutrality: Portugal, the Wolfram Question, and World War II.” Source: Luso-Brazilian Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Summer, 1986) Accessed February 26 2021 https://www.jstor.org/stable/3513391?seq=1

[5] Packard, Jerrold Michael, "The European neutrals in World War II" (1989). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 3984. Accessed February 26. 2021 https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.5866

[6] RG 84: Portugal.” National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed February 26, 2020 www.archives.gov/research/holocaust/finding-aid/civilian/rg-84-portugal.html.

[7] Gnam, Carl. “Portugal during WW2: Covering the Azores Gap.” Warfare History Network, 3 Dec. 2020. Accessed February 26, 2021  warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/01/25/covering-the-azores-gap-in-world-war-ii/

 

Bibliography

Gayer, Gary. “Political Neutrality in World War 2.” California Polytechnic State University, 2013. 

Gnam, Carl. “Portugal during WW2: Covering the Azores Gap.” Warfare History Network, 3 Dec. 2020, warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/01/25/covering-the-azores-gap-in-world-war-ii/.

Leite, Joaquim da Costa. "Neutrality by Agreement: Portugal and the British Alliance in World War II." American University International Law Review 14, no. 1 (1998): 185-199.

Packard, Jerrold Michael, "The European neutrals in World War II" (1989). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 3984. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.5866 

 “RG 84: Portugal.” National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration, www.archives.gov/research/holocaust/finding-aid/civilian/rg-84-portugal.html.

Watkins, Thayer. Antonio Salazar De Oliveira of Portugal and His Estado Novo, www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/salazar.htm.

Wheeler, Douglas L. “The Price of Neutrality: Portugal, the Wolfram Question, and World War II.” Source: Luso-Brazilian Review, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Summer, 1986)

At the end of 1979 the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in order to support the Communist-inspired Afghan government. This led to a decade-long conflict in which the anti-Soviet Islamic Mujahideen rebels were supported by the United States. Here, Daniel Boustead tells us about the conflict and some of the negative unintended consequences of American support for the rebels.

A Soviet military offensive against the Mujahideen.

A Soviet military offensive against the Mujahideen.

From 1979 to 1989 the Americans supported the Mujahideen Islamic rebels in their fight against the Soviet Union’s invasion. The Americans supported the rebels as a means of inflicting their own “Vietnam” on the Soviet Union. The decision in sending weapons to the anti-Communist rebels helped turn the tide of the war in the rebels favor and doomed the Soviet Union - and later the USA. American support for rebels in Afghanistan, was one of a number of Carter and Reagan’s foreign policy blunders that hurt America and Israel. The U.S. decision to support the rebels in Afghanistan was a strategic miscalculation and the wrong way to overcome our defeat in Vietnam. This was known as “Vietnam Syndrome”, which haunts America to this day.

U.S efforts to support the rebels appeared as far back as March 1979 in classified protocols at the Jimmy Carter White House ([1]). This was done because the U.S. was worried about increased Soviet involvement in propping up the weak pro-Communist puppet state in Afghanistan. The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in late December 1979 ([2]). In the very first hours after the Soviet Union invaded, President Jimmy Carter’s National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski said “He hoped the Soviets could be punished for invading Afghanistan, that they could be tied down and bloodied the way the United States had been in Vietnam” ([3]). At the start of the conflict the American government started sending the rebels some captured Soviet weapons as a means of getting revenge for the Soviet’s (limited) involvement in the Vietnam War, while keeping their involvement minimal (6). This was a bad decision because the Islamic fundamentalism of the recent Iranian Revolution was also coming to Afghanistan.

 

Iranian influence

In early spring 1979, in the Shiite Muslim town of Heart, Afghanistan, religious activists started organizing along fundamentalist lines based on the Iranian Ayatollah Khomeini’s example ([4]). Even the non-Shia Muslim groups of Afghanistan were beginning to organize along the lines of Khomeini’s religious-political revival (4). 

In late December 1979 an amended top-secret presidential finding was signed by President Jimmy Carter, and it was reauthorized in 1981 by President Ronald Reagan (5). This permitted the CIA to secretly ship weapons to the Afghan Mujahideen rebels ([5]). The CIA would ship these weapons through the help of the Pakistani government‘s secret service, the Inter Services Intelligence or ISI (5). 

In 1983, after a visit to Afghanistan, Congressmen Charles Wilson from Texas, in his role as a member of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, began procuring  billions of dollars of weapons for the Mujahideen (11). Charles Wilson’s weapons would then pass-through Pakistan’s ISI (11). 

As time went on the weapons the rebels received became more sophisticated, so that they could combat the Soviet attack helicopters. The biggest threat to the Mujahideen was the MI-24 D, which was called by the rebels “The Devil’s Chariot” (14). From 1982 to 1984 the Americans sent the Mujahideen the portable surface to air missiles such as Strela-2 and the Redeye (7). The Mujahideen did use the Stela-2 and the Redeye with some notable successes against Soviet attack helicopters, but further success alluded them due to the fact that the Mujahideen lacked the training required for successful use of these weapons (7). The Heat Seeking Strela-2 and the Redeye were not as effective against the Soviet MI-24 Attack Helicopter, because the MI-24 used two flare dispensers and the AVU system, which blocked a direct view of the hot engine exhausts and swirled the exhaust gases in the rotor streams (7). The MI-24’s began using the AVU from 1983 to 1984 (7). The AVU also increased the MI-24’s weight, which resulted in Soviet crews having, in some cases, to remove the MI-24’s armor, and so making the weapon vulnerable to attack (8). The AVU also would not work under extreme high-altitude conditions and high temperatures and thus it could not always be used in combat (8). Furthermore, the heavy weight of the AVU caused minor reductions in maximum speed and the service ceiling, which could present a problem in combat (8). The MI-24 D attack helicopter’s cockpit was vulnerable to small arms fire - which was how some were lost in combat (9).

 

Later military supplies

The next weapon that was a “game changer” was the FIM-92 Stinger portable surface to air missile (7). The Afghan Mujahideen started acquiring the Stinger Missiles at the end of 1986 (10). Stinger Missiles started appearing in large numbers in the first half of 1987 and the end result was that Soviet attack helicopter units lost more MI-24’s in the first six months of 1987 then they had in all of the previous year (7). The Stinger Missile was so effective that the Soviet helicopter fleet was temporarily paralyzed (7). The Stinger Missiles also had an unpleasant consequence. When the MI-24’s were escorting passenger or transportation aircraft they were forced to put their MI-24’s in front of the passenger or transport aircraft and take the hit from the incoming missile themselves (7). This resulted in MI-24 helicopter crews being able to protect the transport and the passenger aircraft in the vast majority of cases, but not always (7). The Soviet Special Forces soon captured examples of the Stinger Missiles and they discovered weaknesses in the weapon, so allowing them to develop countermeasures (7). The result of this was that the MI-24 was equipped with infrared jammers, which could be tuned in to jam the Stinger’s seeker head almost perfectly (7). This in combination with the AVU System and flares reduced the effectiveness of the FIM-92 Stinger (7). Even this counter measure was not 100% effective though. The L166V Ispanka infrared jammer was not an all-protection system (8) as it was designed to counter missiles with infrared seeker heads. The Stinger Missile’s effect in the Soviet-Afghan war also sowed fear among the Soviet pilots and troops (12). From 1980 to 1989, according to the Russian periodical Mir Aviatsiya, 122 MI-24’s were irretrievably lost, with 42% of all downed MI-24 helicopters lost to “Dushkas” heavy machine gun, 30% by portable surface to air missiles, 25% by light antiaircraft guns, and the remaining 3% by small arms fire (13).

 

Consequences

The decision to arm Afghan Mujahideen rebels and other non-Afghan rebels during the conflict would have disastrous consequences for Israel and the USA. By the time Taliban had taken Kabul, Afghanistan in 1996, an estimated 600 of the approximately 2,300 Stingers distributed by the CIA during the Soviet-Afghan war remained missing (15). The Iranians were buying as many Stinger Missiles as they could, and CIA officers roughly estimated that Tehran had acquired about 100 Stingers by 1996 (15). In that same period the leader of the Taliban, Mullah Omar, had possessed 53 Stingers missiles that had been collected by various Pashtun warlords that were loyal to the Taliban (15). By the end of the Soviet-Afghan war the CIA was worried that the Stinger Missiles could fall in the hands of terrorist groups or hostile governments such as Iran for shooting down American civilian passenger planes or military aircraft (12). Many Stinger Missiles went to Mujahideen commanders who were associated with anti-American radical Islamist leaders (12). In my view, the U.S. government should not have sold Stinger Missiles or any weapons to Mujahideen groups. The USA should have also stayed neutral during the Soviet Afghan conflict.

President Carter failed to resolve the Iran Hostage crisis (1979-81). In February 1982 the US government removed Iraq off the list of states, ‘supporting international terrorism’ and reopened diplomatic relations with Iraq in December 1984 (16). From December 1984 the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad provided the Iraqi Military much needed military intelligence (16). Conversely, U.S. relations with Israel were especially hurt after the Israeli Air Force’s raid on the Iraqi Nuclear Reactor on June 7, 1981(17). The raid resulted in the delaying of a shipment of American aircraft to Israel that had already been authorized, as well the U.S. voting for a UN Security Council resolution condemning Israel (17).

 

Conclusion

The American government supported Mujahideen rebels in Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989. Many historians believe that the American government did this as a means of inflicting a “Vietnam” on the Soviet Union. The decision to send weapons to the rebels defeated the Soviet Union but created a breeding ground for terrorists in Afghanistan. The decision also made Iran more dangerous to American national security. The U.S. decision to support the Mujahideen was one of a series of foreign policy disasters during the Carter and Reagan years. Support for the rebels was an egregious and ill-advised decision by the American government. 

 

Now, you can read some World War II history from Daniel: “Did World War Two Japanese Kamikaze Attacks have more Impact than Nazi V-2 Rockets?” here, and “The Navajo Code from World War Two: Was it Unbreakable?” here.


[1] Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001. New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004. 42. 

[2] Barnes-Freemont, Gregory. Essential Histories: The Soviet-Afghan War 1979-89. New York: New York. Osprey Publishing. 2012. 13. 

[3] Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001. New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004. 50-51. 

6 Feifer, Gregory. The Great Gamble: The Soviet War in Afghanistan. New York: New York. Harper Perennial. 2009. 210. 

[4] Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001. New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004. 40. 

[5] Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001.  New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004. 58-59.

11 Barnes-Freemont, Gregory. Essential Histories: The Soviet-Afghan War 1979 -89. New York: New York. Osprey Publishing, Ltd. 2012. 49. 

14 Normann, Michael. MIL Mi-24 Attack Helicopter: In Soviet/Russian and Worldwide Service: 1972 to the Present. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. 2019. 176. 

7 Normann, Michael. MIL MI-24 Attack Helicopter: In Soviet/Russian and Worldwide Service: 1972 to the Present. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. 2019. 178-179.

8 Normann, Michael . MIL MI-24 Attack Helicopter: In Soviet/Russian and Worldwide Service: 1972 to the Present. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. 2019. 152-153. 

9 Normann, Michael. MIL  MI-24 Attack Helicopter: In Soviet/Russian and Worldwide Service: 1972 to the Present: Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. 2019. 28. 

10 Barnes-Freemont, Gregory. Essential Histories: The Soviet-Afghan War 1979-89. New York: New York. Osprey Publishing Ltd. 2012. 30. 

12 Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, From the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001. New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004. 11. 

13 Normann, Michael. MIL MI-24 Attack Helicopter: In Soviet/Russian and Worldwide Service: 1972 to the Present:Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. 2019. 179-181. 

15 Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, From the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001. New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004. 336- 337. 

16 Karsh, Efraim. Essential Histories: The Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988. New York: New York. Osprey Publishing Ltd. 2002. 43-44. 

17 Operation Opera-Raid on Iraqi Nuclear Reactor. Jewish Virtual Library. Accessed on January 31st, 2021. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/operation-oprea-raid-on-iraqi-nuclear-reactor

References

Barnes-Freemont, Gregory. Essential Histories: Soviet-Afghan War 1979-89. New York: New York. Osprey Publishing, Ltd. 2012.

Coll, Steve. GHOST WARS: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10th, 2001. New York: New York. Penguin Press. 2004.

Feifer, Gregory. The Great Gamble: The Soviet War in Afghanistan. New York: New York. Harper Perennial, 2009. 

Karsh, Efraim. Essential Histories: The Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988. New York: New York. Osprey Publishing Ltd. 2002. 

Normann, Michael. MIL Mi-24 Attack Helicopter: In Soviet/Russian and Worldwide Service: 1972 to the Present. Atglen: Pennsylvania. Schiffer Publishing, Ltd. 2019. 

“Operation Opera-Raid on Iraqi Reactor”. Jewish Virtual Library. Accessed on January 31st, 2021. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/operation-opera-raid-on-iraqi-nuclear-reactor

Posted
AuthorGeorge Levrier-Jones
5 CommentsPost a comment

Remember the cartoons you saw as a child, where one character is the oblivious target and survivor of another’s constant scheming? In 1930s New York, that scenario played out in real life. Here, Tom Daly explains the extraordinary story of Michael Malloy.

Tony Marino’s speakeasy. Third Avenue, New York.

Tony Marino’s speakeasy. Third Avenue, New York.

On a warm afternoon in July 1932, three New Yorkers cooked up a scheme to make themselves rich. Running a speakeasy in the last year of the prohibition on alcohol in the US, one of them had noticed an Irishman who would regularly visit his bar, drink himself silly and pass out. That afternoon, he and his accomplices observed the man, slouched over his glass and mumbling to himself. He looked old, sick and tired, and it seemed as if he was not far from dying. How hard could it be to give him a little help along the way? With two more accomplices, they took out several life insurance policies on him, plied him with free booze and waited for him to pass. But he would not go so easily – every morning he was back, cheerfully ordering another drink as he settled in for the day. Before long the gang was becoming increasingly desperate, trying to poison him and even running him over with a car, but the insatiable Irishman simply would not die. He rose every morning and carried on as normal, like a cartoon character who keeps accidentally surviving attempts on their life, blissfully unaware that they are the target of a terrible plot. 

The man was an immigrant named Michael Malloy, whose resistance to the murder attempts earned him nicknames such as ‘Iron Mike’ and ‘The Rasputin of the Bronx.’ He was eventually killed by the gang, but the plot had long since lost its guile. Their frustration had got the better of them and by the end it seemed as if they were more concerned with finally killing their man than they were with getting away with it. Swiftly arrested, four of them would be sent to the electric chair, where they would not cheat death in the way their victim had done.

 

Background

Michael Malloy was born in County Donegal, in the north-west of Ireland, probably in the 1870s. By the early 1920s he had emigrated to New York, where he worked as a firefighter for a while, but by the end of the decade he was homeless and alcoholic. He frequented the speakeasies – venues that served illegal alcohol during prohibition – in the Bronx and by 1932 was a regular in one that was run by 27-year-old Tony Marino. 

Marino had an eye for quick money-making schemes. Already raking in a considerable income from his alcohol operation, earlier that year he had befriended a woman named Mabelle Carson and convinced her to sign a $2,000 life insurance policy that named him as the beneficiary. On a freezing night soon after, he had got her blind drunk, soaked a mattress with icy water and left her lying naked on the mattress by an open window. She died overnight and no questions were asked as Marino picked up his money, leaving him to wonder – how many times could I get away with that?

 

The Plot

It was in July 1932 that he decided Michael Malloy would be his next target. Standing at the bar with his friends, 24-year-old Francis Pasqua and 29-year-old Daniel Kreisberg, Marino gestured at Malloy and complained that he owed him money. If he can’t pay his debts, Pasqua suggested, couldn’t you do to him what you did to Mabelle Carson? Marino paused, before agreeing that it would be a nice little earner. 

That December, the men presented Malloy with some papers that they said would help get Marino elected to local office, and promised to provide him with free drink for the next few days in return. The thrilled Malloy was unaware that the papers he signed were actually life insurance policies that named Marino, Pasqua, Kreisberg and their friend, Joe Murphy, as the beneficiaries in the case of his accidental death. The men stood to gain $3,500 (over $50,000 in today’s money) between them. 

For the next three days, Malloy was given all the drink he wanted, free of charge, and the gang was sure that it would tip him over the edge. But on the fourth morning, to their shock and annoyance, Malloy breezed back into the bar and ordered some more drink. One has to wonder what Malloy was thinking – how exactly had he gone from being in debt to the bar to being best pals with the landlord and having drinks on the house? But Malloy didn’t consider how suspicious it was: all he cared about was the free booze. As far as he was concerned, he’d already died and gone to heaven.

 

The gang gets desperate

As the trend continued into the new year, Marino was growing impatient and petulantly suggested it would be easier to shoot Malloy in the head. But, not wanting to attract any attention from the authorities, Joe Murphy instead suggested that they start replacing Malloy’s normal drink with wood alcohol. Wood alcohol could cause death even in small quantities and, in an era when it was not uncommon for people to die from poor quality illegal alcohol, Murphy figured that no foul play would be suspected. The gang agreed to go ahead with the plan and served Malloy with wood alcohol one afternoon, but their target just kept knocking the drinks back and ordering more, carrying on into the next day and the day after. Astonished, the gang was forced to think again. 

This time, Pasqua conceived a plan to feed Malloy rotten sardine sandwiches and raw oysters to compliment the wood alcohol, knowing that the mix of oysters and hard spirits would poison him. When this did not work, they filled Malloy’s sandwiches with broken glass and metal, but still the Irishman simply devoured the sandwiches, washed them down with wood alcohol and happily sat there asking for more. 

After this, the men decided that nothing Malloy consumed was going to kill him. The next plan was to carry a passed out Malloy into the freezing January night, cover him with icy water and wait for him to die of exposure. But when the sun rose the next morning, there was Malloy, waiting outside the door for another drink. 

February was now around the corner, which meant the gang would have to pay another monthly installment towards the insurance plans. Hoping to get him before then, they let another friend of theirs, 23-year-old Hershey Green, in on the plan and promised him a cut of $150 to run Malloy over with his car. One afternoon, Pasqua and Murphy held a drunk Malloy upright in a side road while Green raced towards them. Just before Green reached the men, Pasqua and Murphy jumped out of the way and got up to see if the deed had finally been done. Unbelievably, the man who had been too drunk to stand just a few seconds previously had managed to jump out of the way as well. The men immediately repeated the process, but Malloy managed to jump out of the way again. It was a case of third time lucky for the gang as Green finally hit Malloy at 45 miles an hour, but the noise alerted some passers by and the men were not able to make sure he was dead. For a few weeks they heard nothing from the Irishman and were busy trying to find which morgue his body was in so they could collect their money, but they were absolutely stunned in mid-February when a heavily bandaged Michael Malloy turned up at the bar declaring that he was desperate for a drink. He had no memory of the incident.

 

Getting more than they bargained for

By now the murder plot was not even going to make the gang a profit – they had already spent too much money on paying for the insurance plan, on buying wood alcohol and on giving Malloy free booze, and any money they did receive was going to have to be split five ways. Still, Malloy’s ability to cheat death had infuriated them, and he was going to have to die if only so they could salvage some pride from the whole venture. On the night of February 21, 1933, the gang waited for Malloy to pass out and carried him to a rented room near the bar, where they finally killed him by sticking a gas pipe down his throat. They then paid off a coroner to list his cause of death as pneumonia and set about collecting the insurance money. 

Francis Pasqua collected $800 from the first insurance company, but was shocked when an employee at the second company asked to see the body. Pasqua sheepishly replied that the body had already been buried, which aroused enough suspicion to get the police involved. The New York police had been hearing rumors about ‘Iron Mike’ for the previous few weeks and swiftly added the story up, exhuming Malloy’s body for proper testing. The tests showed that Malloy had been murdered, and Marino, Pasqua, Kriesberg, Murphy and Green were all arrested. They were dubbed ‘The Murder Trust’ by a fascinated press. 

Hershey Green was convicted of the attempted murder of Michael Malloy and sentenced to a minimum of 10 years in prison. The other four men, who all pointed the finger at each other during their trial, were each convicted of murder and sentenced to death. Marino, Pasqua and Kriesberg were all executed in the electric chair on the same day, June 7, 1934. All three of them were married, while Marino and Kriesberg were both fathers to young children. Joe Murphy was executed by the same method the following month.

Not much is known about Michael Malloy. Nothing is known about his family, his exact age when he died is not known, and he would have just been another anonymous alcoholic in New York if it hadn’t been for a murder plot against him and his bizarre ability to survive it. All that is known about him is that he used to be a fireman, he was very fond of a drink, and he absolutely earned his nickname, ‘Iron Mike.’

 

Now, you can also read Tom’s articles on the Princess Alice Disaster on London’s River Thames here, 14th century French female pirate Jeanne de Clisson here, and why Tom loves history here.

Finally, read more from Tom at the Ministry of History here.

Posted
AuthorGeorge Levrier-Jones

World War One resulted in millions of deaths, but millions also returned home. However, many of these returnees had horrific injuries. In this article Paul Coffey explains how some injured people had their faces reconstructed with the help of artists.

Paul’s fictional book on this topic, We Are Broken, is out in March 2021 (Amazon US | Amazon UK).

Rifleman Moss - photo courtesy of GilliesArchives.

Rifleman Moss - photo courtesy of GilliesArchives.

Francis Derwent Wood working with a disfigured Great War veteran - photos courtesy of IWM Archives.

Francis Derwent Wood working with a disfigured Great War veteran - photos courtesy of IWM Archives.

Francis Derwent Wood working with a disfigured Great War veteran - photos courtesy of IWM Archives.

Francis Derwent Wood working with a disfigured Great War veteran - photos courtesy of IWM Archives.

Rifleman Moss without his mask - photos courtesy of IWM Archives.

Rifleman Moss without his mask - photos courtesy of IWM Archives.

Look at this man’s face; do you notice anything unusual? 

His expression is impassive, he looks stern, serious. Maybe you think the dark glasses are a clue; is he blind?

Now take a closer look. The lines around his nose and cheek. Could they be scars? 

This is Rifleman Moss – we don’t know his first name. In fact, there’s not much we know about him at all, other than the glasses he wears are part an elaborate and skillful disguise.

Because his nose, mouth and cheeks are not real.

They’re made of tin and then delicately and painstakingly, painted to match his skin tone and features.

Moss was a ‘patient’ (or maybe that should be model) of an extraordinary group of artists who used their talent to meticulously recreate astonishing lifelike masks for disfigured veterans of the First World War.

The conflict, which claimed the lives of almost one million British and Empire troops, was the first ‘industrial’ war the world had seen. And it was merciless in demonstrating that gallantry, pluck, duty and honor – the attributes of good soldiers right through the ages – were no match for the grisly machinery of war being developed in the early twentieth century.

Both sides were to learn at an enormous cost just how much carnage could be inflicted by two men with a machine gun or a handful of troops firing shells from an artillery cannon.

In many ways, the bloody stalemate that was the Western Front – the subterranean maze of trenches that carved open the land from the English Channel to the Swiss border - was a result of this mechanized warfare.

Tens of thousands of men were flung headlong into a storm of steel that annihilated whole battalions, for little or no gain.

It meant armies on both sides had no choice but to dig down into the earth and take shelter. And so, trench warfare, with all its bloody, rat-infested, muddy slime, became engrained upon our consciousness.

The dead and missing of the Great War are rightly venerated for the sacrifice they made. Even now, more than a century later, the poignancy of Remembrance Day and the simple yet symbolic act of wearing a poppy, are powerful reminders that the nation should never forget the ultimate price that generation paid.

 

Those who made it home

But what about those who did make it home? Families up and down the country can relate to tales and recollections of grandfathers, great uncles, great great nephews, who simply didn’t talk about the war.

It was almost as if the very act of shutting the subject away was their only way to cope with the appalling sights they’d witnessed.

Thankfully, in recent years, we have become more aware and able to treat the psychological and emotional impact suffered by combat veterans.

But at the end of the Great War, in a country deeply scarred by the conflict and one still wedded to many of the Victorian and Edwardian attitudes towards grief and mourning, these were not things to be talked about, or even confronted.

Keep calm and carry on was to be the slogan used for a conflict still another twenty years in the future. But the ‘carry on’ part encapsulated much about the way people were expected to simply ‘get on with it.’

There was another group of veterans who made it home; but sadly, they didn’t make it through physically unscathed. Tens of thousands of men suffered life-changing injuries – it is thought more than 40,000 soldiers lost a leg in the war.

It became a common sight in the 1920s to see disabled veterans; limbless men on crutches, or without an arm, often struggling to make a living.

 

Facial injuries

And then there were those who suffered catastrophic facial injuries but incredibly, thanks to a little ‘luck’ and advances in medical treatment, survived. 

For these veterans, they couldn’t simply ‘get on with it.’ They were appalled by their own appearance, many of them victims of truly gruesome injuries which illustrated the frailty of the human body when facing the mechanical instruments of war.

Ward Muir was a writer who became a corporal in the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC) during the First World War. In 1918 he published a detailed account of facial injuries entitled The Happy Hospital. In it, he described with gruesome eloquence, the effect of such wounds.

Hideous is the only word for these smashed faces: the socket with some twisted, moist slit, with a lash or two adhering feebly, which is all that is traceable of the forfeited eye; the skewed mouth which sometimes—in spite of brilliant dentistry contrivances—results from the loss of a segment of jaw; and worse, far the worst, the incredibly brutalising effects which are the consequence of wounds in the nose, and which reach a climax of mournful grotesquerie when the nose is missing altogether.’

 

Post war Britain wasn’t as tolerant of disability as we are today. The country was also exhausted by the conflict and shattered by collective grief. When peace finally came in late 1918, people didn’t want to see reminders of the war; no disabled veterans were allowed to take part in victory parades for example.

The injured often found themselves isolated and shunned.

For those who had suffered facial injuries, there was hope thanks to the pioneering work of Harold Gillies who led the way in the first reconstructive – or plastic – surgery that we know today.

It was an area of medicine that saw huge advances in a short space of time but it was still in its infancy and there were simply too many patients.

 

Artists

But for a few lucky veterans, there was help from an unlikely source - the world of art.

Artists such as renowned sculptor Sir Francis Derwent Wood – who would go on to design part of the memorial to the Machine Gun Corps in London’s Hyde Park – played a unique and astonishing role in helping these unfortunate men.

Derwent Wood was too old to enlist when war broke out in 1914 and instead volunteered to help in hospitals treating the wounded. It was there he was confronted by the appalling facial injuries soldiers were suffering and decided to do something to help.

Using his skill as surgeon, Derwent Wood – and other artists who followed his lead – spent hours working from photographs recreating the broken faces of disfigured men.

The process was long, uncomfortable and painstakingly slow. Injured veterans would ‘sit’ for Derwent Wood while he covered their faces with a plaster of Paris. Using that as a mold he would then use tin to recreate the ‘missing’ part of the face before meticulously painting on features, careful to match the man’s skin tone.

The result, as seen in the photograph of Rifleman Moss, was extraordinary.

To give you an idea just how skillful these craftsmen (and women) were, look at the pictures of Moss, the same man in the picture, but without his mask.

How the poor man even survived those dreadful injuries is astonishing in itself. But seeing him wear his mask is equally incredible.

 

Remembering

Sadly, little if any testimony remains of the men who wore these masks. What was it like? How long did they and their masks survive?

It was that which inspired me to write my new novel We Are Broken. For Rifleman Moss, read Charlie Hobbs – the main character in my book and someone who has survived the Great War but at huge personal cost.

Hobbs’ face is appallingly disfigured and he turns to Derwent Wood who creates him a mask so he can ‘hold his head high’ and, ironically, ‘face the world’ again. It imagines how he would have coped, the anxiety and struggles he faced and explores the difficulties and prejudices a disfigured veteran, who gave so much for his country, was confronted with.

Derwent Wood wrote of his work: … ‘It begins where the work of the surgeon is completed. When the surgeon has done all he can to restore functions ... I endeavour by means of the skill I happen to possess as a sculptor to make a man's face as near as possible to what it looked like before he was wounded.'

He went on to say that he believed wearing a mask enabled his patients to acquire their ‘old self-respect.’

‘Self-assurance, self-reliance, and, discarding his induced despondency,’ he wrote, ‘takes once more to a pride in his personal appearance. His presence is no longer a source of melancholy to himself or of sadness to his relatives and friends.’

We can only try and imagine what it must have been like for these men to walk the streets wearing a tin mask. Maybe, as we wear our own masks to combat the pandemic, we can imagine and empathize just that little bit more.

 

We Are Broken (ISBN: 9781800493742) by Paul Coffey is out on 23 March and available in both paperback and Kindle versions (Amazon US | Amazon UK).

 

© Paul Coffey

Contact: Paulcoffeyauthor@gmail.com

www.paul-coffey.com

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Historiography is composed of the principles, theories, or methodology of scholarly historical research and presentation. Here, James Zills looks at the consensus school in mid-20th century American historiography. He also considers the differences between the consensus and progressive schools of thought.

Daniel J. Boorstin, one of the leading figures in Consensus historiography.

Daniel J. Boorstin, one of the leading figures in Consensus historiography.

The 20th century saw four schools of historical thought that impacted historiography, with some giving conflicting viewpoints and a desire to achieve opposing goals. In the United States, similar to some other countries, those opposing viewpoints come in the form of the New Left historians (progressive) and traditional viewpoints. Focusing on what has gone right as a viewpoint in historical writing serves to instill national pride, lifts a country up as one people, and unifies citizens to progress as a whole. The consensus school of history from the 1940s through the mid-1970s stressed that the shared ideas of Americans far outweighed the internal discourse of Americans. Consensus history made an impact on American values in the 20th century and played a crucial role in the developmental success of the nation, celebrating America’s rise as a national power, and advocated for the continuation of success. 

By the end of 1945, the United States had cemented its status as a superpower by defeating the Axis Powers in World War II. With American servicemen on their way home, national pride was high, and the country was well on its way to an economic boom. Nationalism as a school of thought is not a new concept, as it existed in the works of Europeans historians of the 19thcentury. Prior to the consensus school of thought, American historians established the nation’s identity through national pride.[1] American nationhood was alive and well at the beginning of the 20th century when historians were celebrating national pride through the success of American expansionism. The assertion of power through the acquisition of Hawaii, establishing dominance over the Spanish Empire, and control of the Panama Canal renewed enthusiasm for Manifest Destiny.[2]

 

UNITY OF VALUES

Despite the many accomplishments Americans enjoyed as a whole, Progressive historians would dominate the first half of the 20th century. Their focus on class and sectional conflict brought about divisiveness in America through racial and social class ideologies. Instead of riding the achievements of America as one people, the Progressive historians broke the population down into categories of race, gender, class, and what they perceived as privileges from certain members of society. Progressives borrowed from the fields of sociology, economics, and psychology to interpret their version of history and advocate for reform. The resurgence of traditional history is credited to Richard Hofstadter and, with the joining of other prominent historians of the time, the consensus school of history brought with it a renewed sense of populism.[3]

The impact of historical research presented to the public plays a pivotal role in the way the population views itself, much like any other field of study. Consensus historians believed that the social progress of subjects was of far greater value than the internal conflicts of America.[4] This school of history brought about nearly two decades of uncomplicated patriotism and gave Americans a sense of pride, and political figures they could look up to. Racism, corruption, sexism, and America’s other internal problems, while not addressed, were not ignored as if they didn’t exist. People lived those experiences on a daily basis in the two decades of consensus history. The population needed something uplifting, something to give them a sense of pride, and something to work for. The constant reminder delivered by Progressives only served to drive the nation further apart, by destroying the one thing that could unite America - the country itself.

The absence of social problems brought strong criticism to consensus history from progressives. The disdain progressives have for consensus history can best be summed up by Ribuffo, where in his journal article “What is still living in “consensus” history and pluralist social theory, he says, “…the ghostly echoes are nearly drowned out by louder sounds in contemporary intellectual life.”[5] In this particular article the author questions what is dead and what aspects of consensus history still survive. Ribuffo, in his celebration of the death of consensus history, he asserts that this type of history is “extreme” as well as deluded and dangerous.[6] The approach Ribuffo takes to express disdain for consensus history was by making his criticism a personal attack, an all too familiar theme with progressive viewpoints. It was never the intent of consensus history to solve the social issues of the country, but only to bring us together under nationhood.

Consensus historiography aided in educating two generations of patriotic citizens who were proud Americans - and to some extent united. The school of consensus history was inclusive with historians holding both liberal and conservative political ideologies. Consensus historians describe the world as an operative whole with its shaping credited to the ideals and shared life experiences of its peoples.[7] According to the viewpoint of consensus history every individual within the confines of the borders of the United States plays a unique role in the shaping and the history regardless of their social classification. The contrasting differences in consensus and progressive history are astounding. Consensus history, with its sense of national purpose, showed the uniqueness of the country and its differences with Europe.[8] While consensus history faded away in the mid-1970s, it left a lasting effect, and a large portion of the population still subscribe to the notion of nationalism, thanks to consensus history.           

 

STILL RELEVANT

Consensus history still resonates with historians and citizens today. A perfect example of the impact consensus had on America is the story about the aftermath of a series of violent storms that killed seventy-seven people and caused $300 million in damage to the city of Johnstown, Pennsylvania. At the time of the floods Johnstown was no longer the steel-town it once was, with steel workers who once filled the restaurants on Main Street being replaced by bankers, nurses, and retail workers.[9]  Long gone were the days when big steel companies like Bethlehem Steel invested in the town. There was an overbearing sense of nostalgia, a longing for the past where people knew one another and cared. The citizens knew that the key to survival was image, one that would give us an image of the past with a view of the future.[10] By celebrating their past through museums, refusing to be a town of shuttered factories, and sharing a unity for pride in their city, the people of Jonestown were able to hold onto their past while attracting future economic opportunities.

Consensus history as a school of thought and viewpoint on what was relevant made a major impact on society in America in the 1940s to the mid-1970s. It was a revival of 19th century institutional history through national pride. Consensus (traditional) history and historiography’s impact on American values in the 20th century played a crucial role in the developmental success of America, celebrating America’s rise as a national power, and advocated for the continuation of success. Without nationhood there would be no motivation to better ourselves as a society. Dismissing the great achievements made by the people as a whole in the country and saying that all is wrong serves to divide the nation and poses a threat to the positive progress and survivability as a nation.

 

 

What do you think of 20th century American historiography? Let us know below.

Now you can read James’ article on Ancient Greek historiography here.


[1] Ernst Breisach, Historiography: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, 3rd ed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 309.

[2] Ibid, 310.

[3] Robert D. Johnston, "The Age of Reform: A Defense of Richard Hofstadter Fifty Years On." The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 2, (April 2007), 129. Accessed December 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25144472.

[4] Michael Bentley, Modern Historiography: An Introduction. London: Routledge, 1998, 100.

[5] Leo P. Ribuffo, "What Is Still Living In "Consensus" History and Pluralist Social Theory." American Studies International 38, no. 1 (February 2000), 42.Accessed December 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41279737.

[6] Ibid, 43.

[7] Breisach, Historiography, 385.

[8] Ibid, 389.

[9] Don Mitchell, "Heritage, Landscape, and the Production of Community: Consensus History and Its Alternatives in Johnstown, Pennsylvania," Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 59, no. 3 (July 1992), 200. Accessed December 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27773545.

[10]Ibid

Bibliography

Bentley, Michael. Modern Historiography: An Introduction. London: Routledge, 1998.

Breisach, Ernst. Historiography: Ancient, Medieval & Modern. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994

Johnston, Robert D. ""The Age of Reform": A Defense of Richard Hofstadter Fifty Years On." The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 2 (2007): 127-37. Accessed December 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25144472.

Mitchell, Don. "Heritage, Landscape, and the Production of Community: Consensus History and Its 

Alternatives in Johnstown, Pennsylvania." Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 59, no. 3 (1992): 198-226. Accessed December 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27773545.

Ribuffo, Leo P. "What Is Still Living In "Consensus" History and Pluralist Social Theory." American Studies International 38, no. 1 (2000): 42-60. Accessed December 17, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41279737.

Below is an excerpt from the book "The Third Man: Churchill, Roosevelt, Mackenzie King, and the Untold Friendships That Won WWII” by Neville Thompson. The excerpt focuses on the last meeting between Sir Winston Churchill and Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King.

The book is available here: Amazon US | Amazon UK

Quebec Conference, 1943. In the back row are Mackenzie King and Sir Winston Churchill. In the front sit US President Roosevelt and the Earl of Athlone, Governor General of Canada.

Quebec Conference, 1943. In the back row are Mackenzie King and Sir Winston Churchill. In the front sit US President Roosevelt and the Earl of Athlone, Governor General of Canada.

In late 1948, three years after the end of the war and close to half a century after their first encounter, Mackenzie King and Winston Churchill met for the last time. King was no longer the leader of the Liberal party, having care­fully engineered Louis St. Laurent into that position at the convention to choose a successor in August 1948. But he remained as prime minister in order to rep­resent Canada at a Commonwealth prime ministers conference in October. King looked forward to his farewell appearance after quarter of a century of being the crucial figure at such events. He was unquestionably the senior figure in the British dominions.

On his way to London, King stopped in Paris for a session of the United Nations. Eleanor Roosevelt was there as a member of the US delegation and Chair of the Commission on Human Rights which produced the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the UN in December. She was stay­ing in the same hotel, in a room close to King’s. They did not spend much time together, but they did reminisce about the past and Eleanor repeated her husband’s affection for King and the many confidences he had shared. At a dinner of dominion representatives, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Ernest Bevin gave a toast to King on his retirement. Not having been forewarned, King had no reply prepared but he spontaneously pronounced a benediction on the Commonwealth. During his long years as prime minister, he said that he had tried to keep before him:

The best traditions of British public life. That I realized what the nations of the Commonwealth had derived in that way. Real bonds between nations of the Commonwealth were love of freedom, of liberty which had been inherited from the struggles of Britain, and the example of public men.

 

In Paris, King had been far more tired than usual, unable to breathe or sleep easily, and perspiring freely, all of which suggests blocked arteries. Shortly after his arrival in London, he felt too unwell to leave the Dorchester Hotel. Lord Moran, Churchill’s personal doctor, diag­nosed heart strain for which he prescribed digitalis, sleeping pills, and morphine, and arranged for a night nurse. He went with King to a heart specialist, Sir John Parkinson, who took an x-ray and a cardiograph and detected edema (swelling) in one leg owing to poor circulation. Moran banned salt and recommended bed rest for two weeks. In fact, King remained there for three. Moran came practi­cally every day, although there was nothing further he could provide other than encouragement. He did not charge for his services but a few months later King sent him £150.8. King was characteristically proud that his illness, indeed his whole stay in London, cost Canadian taxpayers nothing since the expense of the conference was covered by the British government. Since he could not attend the sessions, St. Laurent came by air to represent Canada after all.

Lord Moran’s concern in attending King was not his fee but his literary ambi­tion. He was a prominent practitioner and medical politician (as president of the Royal College of Physicians he was known to general practitioners as “Corkscrew Charlie” for concentrating on the interests of specialists in negotiations over the National Health Scheme) who knew that his real fame depended on producing an account of his association with Churchill. He was reviewing and reworking his diaries to present an attention-catching account to be published after his great patient’s death, which he had no reason to think would be long delayed. King’s confinement was a heaven-sent opportunity to sharpen and increase his knowledge by adding the experience of someone who had been, as Moran had not, at many private meetings and informal discussions with Churchill and also Roosevelt.

On the very first day, they talked about Churchill for over an hour and found themselves in substantial agreement. Moran observed, and King did not dissent, that Churchill had achieved great things despite his faults. He was very strong willed, thought in big terms, and his knowledge of military history was so exten­sive that he could dominate any situation and not leave others much chance to say anything. Churchill recognized the value of experts but did not allow them to control. King was not so indiscreet as to tell Moran that Field Marshall Montgomery had said that he did not want Churchill around during the fighting, and that Field Marshall Harold Alexander (now governor general of Canada) had said that he had to stand up to prevent Churchill’s interference. But King did confirm that Churchill did most of the talking in cabinet and was inconsiderate of others: even Labour’s Attlee and the Liberal leader, Sir Archibald Sinclair, members of the War Cabinet, were treated almost with contempt, and most col­leagues feared to say anything. To get his way, Churchill would work himself into an emotional state.

On the other hand, King attested that Churchill was loyal to his friends, stuck to his word in getting things done, and had great courage, “no fear in the world. In that way gave a powerful example to others.” King also pointed out that many were attracted by the desire to associate with such a towering figure. He claimed not to have liked what Churchill told him about the effectiveness of flattery, although King was both susceptible and not sparing in his own use of it. While no one could say if the war would have been won if anything had hap­pened to Churchill and Roosevelt, King considered that a change of leadership might have shortened the European conflict since the Germans were terrified of Churchill. Both he and Moran considered that unconditional surrender (which was Roosevelt’s and not Churchill’s insistence) had been a mistake since it had closed every door and made the fighting more intense.

Moran also wanted to discuss relations between Churchill and Roosevelt, about which King knew a great deal. He said that Churchill had repeatedly insisted that they must meet the president in every way possible and never forget that he was Britain’s greatest friend. On the difference between them over sharing research on the atomic bomb with the Soviets, King, whose opinion had changed with the Cold War, now thought Churchill had been right that it should be with­held. A couple of days later, Moran told King that he had noticed that Roosevelt was failing at the 1944 Quebec conference and by Yalta was completely used up. This was not surprising for a detached physician and was no revelation to King, but it would have been to the public if it had been publicized on such authority, just three and a half years after Roosevelt’s death.

In addition to Moran, Mackenzie King received a stream of other visitors at his bedside: Louis St. Laurent, of course, Attlee, Jawaharlal Nehru, the prime minister of India, Ernest Bevin and future British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, who wanted to inquire about King’s memoirs which it was assumed the Macmillan company, his family firm, would publish. It must have been a great encouragement that Bevin, who managed to carry on in one of the most demanding jobs in the government, said that his symptoms were exactly like King’s; and more people that Moran implied Bevin’s condition was the result of excessive drinking. This held out the expectation that King’s abste­mious lifestyle would speed his recovery. King George VI paid his Canadian prime minister the great compliment of going to see him at the hotel. So did his uncle, Lord Athlone, who came as chancellor of the University of London with an academic delegation and an honorary degree, for which King got out of bed and dressed. There were also personal friends, notably the social reformer Violet Markham, and three sessions with spiritualists, one of whom contacted Franklin Roosevelt as well as Lord Tweedsmuir. But the highlight, on the second to last day, was Winston Churchill, still leader of the British Conservative Party, whom King would have been sorry to miss.

Churchill arrived with a copy of the British edition of The Gathering Storm. He was sorry to find his old friend in such poor condition but not greatly concerned since he had recovered from worse himself (the next summer he would quickly recuperate from a stroke). King was amazed at how well his contemporary looked—“quite young and strong”—and the quantity of work he was able to do. Churchill said that he relaxed a lot, sometimes painting for three hours a day. He was also buoyed by having just denounced the Labour government’s handling of world affairs in parliament in the same hard terms that he had used at the Conservative annual conference a couple of weeks earlier.  (Prime Minister Attlee, who arrived later, told King that he had been hurt by the accusations of timidity towards the Soviet Union, responsibility for the slaughter following Indian independence, the chaos in Palestine, and the charge that his government would force Northern Ireland into joining Eire which was becoming an independent republic with no ties to the United Kingdom.)

King agreed with Attlee that Churchill’s speech was extreme, even alarming in his claim that Conservative governments would come to power in Britain and all the old dominions and take proper command of the Commonwealth. Many British Conservatives were offended by their leader’s belligerence but kept their heads down and deferred to the international hero who they hoped would carry them back to office in the election that was sched­uled for 1950. This mutinous feeling was expressed to King three months later by the still exasperated Anthony Eden, Churchill’s former deputy, who said that while the great man was mellowing, he still refused to surrender the party leadership.

In their bedside conversation at the Dorchester, King and Churchill did not touch on contemporary controversies but stuck to the tranquilizing triumphs of the past. Churchill declared, although it is not clear how he could have known, that King had been much missed at the Commonwealth conference. He also cheered the invalid by assuring him again of his great services during the war: “You have never failed. You were helpful always. There was nothing that you did not do, that could be done.” He mentioned, in particular, the Commonwealth air training plan and King’s refusal to support Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies’ desire for the dominions to play a larger part in the direction of the war in order to undermine Churchill. He reiterated that King had been a bridge between Britain and the United States, specifying his help in the possible move of the Royal Navy to the United States. He recalled King’s encouraging telephone call after Churchill’s famous “Iron Curtain” speech two years earlier, and could not resist adding that every point in the address had since been borne out. The two parted with emotion, Churchill’s eyes filling with tears, yet King was annoyed that on his way out he asked the high commissioner (Norman Robertson) to ensure that the press was informed of his visit.

There was no sense that this was their last meeting. Once he recovered his health, King expected to continue visiting Britain, as he had when out of office in the early 1930s. Churchill hoped to go to Toronto in the spring to receive an honorary degree and wanted King to attend. King in turn invited Churchill to Ottawa. But King would not recover, and they would never meet again.

 

You can buy The Third Man: Churchill, Roosevelt, Mackenzie King, and the Untold Friendships That Won WWII here: Amazon US | Amazon UK

About the Author 

Neville Thompson is a professor emeritus of history at the University of Western Ontario, where he taught modern British and European history. He is the author of The Anti-Appeasers: Opposition to Appeasement in the 1930s, Wellington After Waterloo, and Canada and the End of the Imperial Dream. His latest book The Third Man: Churchill, Roosevelt, Mackenzie King, and the Untold Friendships That Won WWII is released in hardcover in February 2021 with Sutherland House Books. He lives in Ottawa.

 

Copyright line

From "THE THIRD MAN: Churchill, Roosevelt, Mackenzie King, and the Untold Friendships That Won WWII" by Neville Thompson. Copyright © 2021 by Neville Thompson. Reprinted by permission of Sutherland House Books.

The Tuskegee Airmen were a group of primarily African-American pilots who fought in World War II, with their exploits during the war becoming legendary. The origins and founding of the group came from a response to segregation in both the military and general society. The group’s pilots who fought in Europe and North Africa achieved an impressive combat record, while several myths surroundings the Tuskegee Airmen will be explored here.

Daniel Boustead explains.

Tuskegee Airmen during World War II.

Tuskegee Airmen during World War II.

The beginnings of the Tuskegee Airmen came as a direct response from a 1925 study conducted by the American Military which concluded that “Blacks didn’t have the intelligence, ability, or coordination to fly airplanes”([1]). In 1939, Congress ordered the Army Air Corp to accept Blacks into the Civilian Pilot Training Program to provide a cadre of trained pilots should the country be plunged into war ([2]). In 1939 this Civilian Pilot Training Program was granted to the Black segregated college of Tuskegee Institute (now Tuskegee University) ([3]). In the years from 1939 to 1940 almost 100 Black pilots completed the training of the Civilian Pilot Training Program, but the Army Air Corps refused to let them in (2). In September 1940, when President Franklin Roosevelt announced that the Army Air Corps would soon begin training Black pilots ([4]), the War Department choose the Tuskegee Army Airfield as a training site (4).  F.D.R was persuaded by his decision by the N.A.A.C.P and by Black newspapers like the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender  (4). In 1940 Black pilot Charles Alfred Anderson came to head up the training program at Tuskegee (2). On January 16, 1941 the War Department announced that a Black flying unit would be formed within the Army Air Corps (9). In March 1941, (as a result of Anderson’s flight with First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt), she gave a $175,000.00 loan to build Moton Field, where the men could take their initial training (2). Moton Field was located at Tuskegee Institute (9). 

In March 1941 the U.S. War Department created the 99th Pursuit Squadron, which was the first unit made up of Black pilots and would become in time a famous Tuskegee Airmen unit (2). This unit soon became the 99th Fighter Squadron (1). By 1943 the 99th had become a combat unit ([5]). The other famous Tuskegee Airmen units were formed in the period from 1942 to 1943: the 100th Squadron, 301st Squadron, and the 302nd Squadron with the 332nd Fighter Group (5). 

 

In conflict

The Tuskegee Airmen units fought in the North African Theatre of war as well as Europe during the conflict. The 99th Fighter Squadron left Tuskegee and arrived in Morocco on April 2, 1943 under the command of African American officer Lt. Colonel Benjamin O. Davis Jr. (5). The 99th Squadron’s initial combat debut in North Africa resulted in heavy losses against the German Luftwaffe (5). This Squadron redeemed itself in May 1943 when they attacked the Italian Island of Pantelleria in preparation for the invasion of Sicily, which resulted in the entire Island garrison of 11,000 Italians troops surrendering (5). This was very first time in history that an entire Island had surrendered by air attack alone (5). This earned the 99th Fighter Squadron a Distinguished Unit Citation for this effort (5).

In February 1944 a new Black unit called the 332nd Fighter Group left Tuskegee, which consisted of the 100th Squadron, the 301st Squadron, and the 302nd Squadron (5). The 332nd Fighter Group went to Italy where they joined the 99th Fighter Squadron, which was operating at Ramitelli Airfield on the Adriatic Sea (4). The 332nd Fighter Group began operations on February 14, 1944 and they began patrolling the area from Naples Harbor to the Isle of Capri, as well as doing costal patrols (5). The 332nd Fighter Group moved to a new air base at Capodichino, Italy on March 4, 1944 (5). The 99th Fighter Squadron earned a Second Distinguished Unit Citation for their efforts during the Battle of Monte Cassino in May 1944 (5). On May 23, 1944 the 332nd Fighter Group was assigned bomber escort duty for the 15th Army Air Force, making sure the bombers made it safely from Ramitelli to their targets in southeastern Europe and southern Germany (5). The 99th Fighter Squadron won a Third Distinguished Unit Citation for protecting the bombers of the 15th Army Air Force during a bombing mission on March 24, 1945 ([6]). The 332nd was subsequently awarded this Distinguished Unit Citation for the March 24, 1945 mission (7). The 332nd Fighter Group flew its last mission on April 26, 1945 (4).  In the period from 1941 to 1946, 992 Black pilots were trained at Tuskegee, of which 355 pilots flew in combat over the skies of Southern Europe (7). The Tuskegee Airmen flew 1,578 combat missions, 1,267 for the Twelfth Army Air Force, and 311 for the Fifteenth Army Air Force, destroyed 262 enemy aircraft (112 in the air, 150 on the ground), 950 rail cars, trucks, and other motor vehicles, and 40 boats and barges (7). The 99thFighter Squadron even set an Army Air Corps record for shooting down five German planes in less than four minutes (6). 

 

Myths

There were various myths written about the Tuskegee Airmen that increased the group’s “God-Like” standing in the annals of Military History. The first big myth was that the Tuskegee Airmen never lost a bomber. This myth existed for many years after the war and was even mentioned on a Family Matters TV episode in 1992 when Estelle Winslow talked about the Tuskegee Airmen (8). In the period of June 9, 1944 to March 24, 1945, 27 Heavy Bombers from the 15th Army Air Force were shot down while under escort from the 332nd Fighter Group (9). In contrast the 15th Army Air Force lost an average of 46 Heavy Bombers when being escorted by other fighter groups (9). During the period from June 1944 to May 1945 the 15th Army Air Force lost a total of 303 Heavy Bombers that were shot down by enemy aircraft (9) over 7 escort periods. 

Another important myth was that the Tuskegee Airmen were the first to implement a “Stick to the Bomber” policy.  The “Stick to the Bomber” policy had been instituted by Major General Ira Eaker while he was commander of the Eighth Army Air Force, long before the Tuskegee Airmen ever escorted a bomber (9). In January 1944, General Eaker moved to the Mediterranean Theatre of Operations to serve as commander of Mediterranean Allied Air Forces and he took his “Stick to the Bomber” policy with him(9). Eaker’s “Stick to the Bomber” policy found a home in the 15th Army Air Force where they were followed by the 332nd Fighter Group (9). 

A further myth about the Tuskegee Airmen was that they were the first to bring down the legendary ME-262 Jet. The first German ME-262 Jet Fighter was actually shot down by five Royal Canadian Air Force Fighter pilots belonging to Squadron 401 on October 5, 1944 (10).  The Tuskegee Airmen did shoot down at least 3 Me-262 Jets on March 24, 1945 while escorting the 15th Army Air Force bombing mission to Berlin, Germany (9). The three aircraft destroyed on this mission were attributed to Tuskegee Airmen 1st Lieutenant Roscoe Brown, 1st Lieutenant Earl R. Lane, and 2nd Lieutenant Charles V. Brantley (9).

Another myth was that the Tuskegee Airmen units were all Black men. The misconception is that the Tuskegee Airmen were virtually all Black by the time they deployed overseas and remained Black until the Air Force was desegregated in 1949 (9). The reality is that the first three commanders of the 99th Fighter Squadron (originally called the 99th Pursuit Squadron) were White men (9), and that the first two commanders of the 332nd Fighter Group where White men (9). The vast majority of Tuskegee Airmen were Black though (9). The Tuskegee Airmen also had some Haitian Airmen (11).  However, Eugene Smith, a member of the Tuskegee Airmen was of a mixture of European and Native American Ancestry, yet he was listed as “colored” on his birth certificate (9). The Army Air Forces would only accept Eugene Smith if he went to Tuskegee and so he did (9).

The final myth was that the outstanding Tuskegee Airmen’s war record was alone responsible for President Harry S. Truman efforts to desegregate the military. The Tuskegee Airmen’s record played a small pat in this (9). The combination of Truman wanting to appeal to Black voters in the 1948 Presidential Election and the June 28, 1948 threat by A. Philip Randolph’s “League for Non-Violent Civil Disobedience against Military Segregation” for Blacks to resist the draft, also had a huge impact on President Truman’s decision to desegregate the military in 1948 (9). The President’s Civil Rights report of October 29, 1947 called “To Secure These Rights” had African American leaders telling Secretary of Defense Forrestal to desegregate the military, also played a part in President’s Truman’s decision (9). It was these factors that caused President Truman to sign Executive Order 9981 to desegregate the military on July 26, 1948 (9).

 

Conclusion

The Tuskegee Airmen’s prowess became the stuff of legend. The group compiled an excellent combat record which helped quell prejudice against Black people. Many myths exist about the Tuskegee Airmen, but several have been exposed and negated here. However, the Tuskegee Airmen hold an important and much revered place in the annals of Military History. 

 

Now, you can read more World War II history from Daniel: “Did World War Two Japanese Kamikaze Attacks have more Impact than Nazi V-2 Rockets?” here, and “The Navajo Code from World War Two: Was it Unbreakable?” here.


[1] Rivers, Charles Editors. “Far-Reaching Changes- A Portrait of a McGee as a Tuskegee airmen”. The Tuskegee Airmen: The History and Legacy of America’s First Black Fighter Pilots in World War II. Edited by Charles River Editors, 2020, Ch.2. 

[2] River, Charles Editors. “Air Corps Policy Remained as Before”. The Tuskegee Airmen: The History and Legacy of America’s First Black Fighter Pilots in World War II. Edited by Charles River Editors, 2020, Ch.1. 

[3] “Training, CAF Rise Above”.  Accessed on January 18th, 2021. https://cafrisebove.org/the-tuskgee-airmen/tuskgee-airmen-history/training . 

[4] Tuskegee Airmen”. HistoryChannel.com . Last Updated January 16th, 2020. Accessed on December 13th, 2020. https://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/tuskgee-airmen.

[5] River, Charles Editors. “Combat-Ready Status”. The Tuskegee Airmen: The History and Legacy of America’s First Black Fighter Pilots in World War II”. Edited by Charles River Editors, 2020. Ch.4. 

[6] River, Charles Editors. “More Time to Prove Itself”. The Tuskegee Airmen: The History and Legacy of America’s First Black Fighter Pilots in World War II. Edited by Charles River Editors, 2020. Ch.5. 

7 River, Charles Editors. “Unique Military Record”. The Tuskegee Airmen: The History and Legacy of America’s First Black Fighter Pilots in World War II. Edited by Charles River Editors, 2020. Ch.7. 

8 “Family Matters-Brown Bombshell  (TV Episode 1992)”. IMDB. Accessed on January 20th, 2021. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0577080/

9 Haulman, Daniel L. “Tuskegee Airmen Myths and Realities”. Air Force Historical Research Agency.( 17th, March, 2014). https://www.afhra.af.mil/Portals/16/documents/Studies/AFD-141119-026.pdf

10 Montgomery, Marc. “History Canada: Oct. 5, 1944-RCAF down the first German Jet”. Last Updated October 9th, 2018. Accessed on January 20th, 2021. https://www.rcinet.ca/en/2018/10/05/history-canada-oct-5-1944-rcaf-downs-the-first-german-jet/

11 “Haitian Tuskegee Airmen, CAF RISE Above”. Accessed on January 3rd, 2021. https://cafriseabove.org/the-tuskgee-airmen/tuskgee-airmen-history/haitian-tuskgee-airmen/

References

“Family Matters-Brown Bombshell”. (TV Episode 1992)”. IMDB.  Accessed on January 20th, 2021. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0577080/

“Haitian Tuskegee Airmen, CAF RISE Above”.  Accessed on January 3rd, 2021. https://cafriseabove.org/the-tuskegee-airmen-history/haitian-tuskgee-airmen/

Haulman, Daniel L. “Tuskegee Airmen Myths and Realities”. Air Force Historical Research Agency. (17, March, 2014). https://www.afhra.af.mil/Portals/16/documents/Studies/AFD-141119-026.pdf

Montgomery, Marc. “History Canada: Oct. 5, 1944-RCAF down the first German Jet”. Last Updated October 9th, 2018. Accessed on January 20th, 2021. https://www.rcinet.ca/en/2018/10/05/history-canada-oct-5-1944-rcaf-downs-the-first-german-jet/

River, Charles Editors. The Tuskegee Airmen: The History and Legacy of America’s First Black Fighter Pilots in World War II.  Edited by Charles Rivers Editors, 2020.

“Training, CAF Rise Above” Accessed on January 18th, 2021. https://cafriseabove.org/the-tuskgee-airmen/tuskgee-airmen-history/training

“Tuskegee Airmen”.HistoryChannel.com.Last Updated January 16th, 2020. Accessed on December 13th, 2020.https://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/tuskegee-airmen